Zensurgeschichte (German Edition)
Such ambitions collide with the com- mon conception of a woman. The Czech translation further varies from both German translations in the following instance. When Calla wants to demonstrate to Harald her transformation from ambitious author to common housewife, she throws her book manuscript, for which she had received a promising publication offer, into the river. What have you done? The full stop creates a different tonality than the exclamation mark. The exclama- tion mark thus indicates empathy with the incident of an accidentally shot pet cat.
Rather, the opposite is true. Urda, for example, declares to her father at the beginning of the novel that she has no intention of ever getting married, as spending her life cooking and looking after children does not correspond to the mission she has set for herself. Her intention is to demonstrate to future generations that women are just as free as men to choose the type of life they like.
She also announces that a revolution is in the offing, which will liberate women from the state of oppression in which they are trapped. Calla supports the idea that women should choose professions that go beyond the nar- row domestic circle, especially when nature has endowed them with talents that they might use to contribute to the development of society in various fields. Bluestockings and women authors, Harald further declares, are particularly abominable to him, as they, he imagines, could not be physically attractive and they certainly neglect their duties as wives and mothers, duties that the hus- bands must therefore fulfil.
In her eyes, domestic duties are fetters that are imposed on women and turn them into slaves, serfs, and prisoners of trivial everyday chores. She considers the burden of domestic work to be par- ticularly restrictive for women who are endowed with spirits and gifts and who strive for recognition beyond the private sphere.
She further informs her father that the time has long past when young women were considered to be goods to be traded on the marriage market. Only when men and women have an equal standing and are of- fered the same rights and freedoms will she agree to get married. There are only two instances where Emancipation Rage includes minor deviations from the Swedish source text and from the other two translations, German and Czech.
Emancipation Rage is here very concrete by hav- ing Urda say that she has a better and nobler goal than cooking soup and rocking children to sleep. Two details distinguish Emancipation Rage here from the other editions. This means that such very explicit calls for the emancipa- tion of women became widely known in various European countries at that time, among them in the German and Czech lands.
They were exported from the Swedish source culture, remained quite intact in various translations, and were thus disseminated across Europe in the form of an entertaining novel. The translations reproduce these expressions. Among them are terms such as bondage,98 slavery,99 slaves and serfs, fetters, oppression, to oppress, prison, and imprisoned.
Schwartz is known to have read Bremer, so it is possible that these works inspired her to include them in her novels. The use of such terms to refer to the oppression of women must have been widespread at that time. We find them also in the works of provincial Russian women poets, who effectively used their poetry to criticize a patriarchal social system.
These notions mostly point to the incomprehension that women encounter as they endeavour to liberate themselves from traditional gender concepts; women who decide to leave traditionally accepted paths are labelled insane. The following presents a repre- sentative selection of these references, all of which are reproduced in the translations.
The reader finds him fantasizing after he has fallen into a feverish state produced by a fit of jealousy when he believes that Calla is betraying him. This is another way of saying that he had been insane then. This happens, for instance, when Calla reminds him of the Christian values of forgiveness, which he seems to have exchanged for arrogance. He attempts to murder Calla, convinced that she has been playing with his feelings for her. If on the surface the novel seems to imply that it is the ambitious, emancipated women who are irrational and infected with madness, on a deeper level it turns out that uncontrolled, jealous, and mentally unbalanced men such as Erland are far more dangerous for society and deserve the label of madness.
The translations trans- ferred this subliminal message unchanged to several European cultures. The novel also associates mental instability with Elise after she is betrayed by a man she loved.
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Combined with her failure to become a professional singer, this blow casts her into a temporary state of insan- ity. The source text mentions several corresponding expressions, which all translations reproduce. However, the German translation edited by the Franckh broth- ers Emancipation Mania , and the Czech translation Emancipation Frenzy , which probably had the former as a model, occasionally fea- ture slightly less conventional presentations of the female figures than Emancipation Rage, the German translation edited by Brockhaus.
There are only details in the first two translations that eventually pro- duce an image of women that is just a tiny bit less conservative than in Emancipation Rage, yet taken together, these slight differences might have an impact on the readers. In some instances, the Czech translation produces a slightly less conservative image of women. This might be due to the female sex of the translator or to the period when the translation appeared, which is about a decade after the German translations. For the same reason, the Czech translation includes an instance that uses a more emotional style than the two German translations.
These terms point to the transgression that emancipatory women commit when refusing to conform to conventional gender conventions. Some parts of the novel explicitly address the social position of women at that time. The following analysis focuses on references to these latter topics. The figures expressing criticism are the mysterious wealthy young widow Stephana Stephensen and her friend Jacobo Lange, who have moved to Sweden from the United States of America.
Both praise the freedom of choice people in the United States have to pursue a pro- fessional career, detached from the obstacles that traditional social structures in Europe present to ambitious and industrious individuals. These are the Count Hermann Romarhjerta, a young nobleman who was forced to marry the un- spectacular young middle-class girl Elin Martenson because he was suspected of having an affair with her.
The novel, which appeared in Swedish in , was translated into a number of languages. More German translations of her works are said to follow. Another German translation came out in Stuttgart in This translation, which appeared in two volumes, does not in- clude any biographical outline on Schwartz. This might be because she was already known to German readers because of the other translation that appeared prior to this one. Also, the publishers, the two Franckh brothers, might have been more interested in making a commercial suc- cess by selling an intriguing story than in familiarizing readers with unknown literary cultures.
The title page names Dr.
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We can assume that this translator was male, as women were not allowed to have academic degrees, such as doctorates, at that time. The book opens with information for readers interested in borrowing this work from a lending library. Bestsellers, especially those edited by the Franckh brothers, were often offered in lending libraries, and thus were available to a broad readership fig.
This chapter further looks at a Czech translation, a re-edition that appeared in Prague in The work states that it was translated from the second Swedish edition, that is, without the intermediary of a Ger- man translation fig. The year of publication is a guess by the library staff, as this information is missing from the book cover. The title does not include the reference to real life that the other translations do. At that time, which was several decades after the source text and the other translations were published, this bestseller was obviously no longer viewed mainly as a social documentation, but more as entertaining reading material.
Information on the conditions for borrow- ing this book from a lending library Schwartz , vol. Given that this novel turned into a bestseller that crossed a number of linguistic and cultural borders, the dissemination of such a positive image of an educated woman is remarkable from a feminist point of view.
It counters literary presentations of female protagonists as shallow, passive, or ignorant beings. Jacobo praises American women for their early financial and vocational independence from men. Jacobo at- tacks Helfrid in the following way: …; but your entire education is merely aimed at you getting mar- ried, and then you realize that you vegetate on a couch or behind an embroidery. An American is brought up from childhood to become an independent being, which does not need any man to go out into the world, but who is able to blaze a trail by her very own labour.
The person uttering these words is male; the author might have chosen a man as a spokesperson for these views to make them easier to accept for both male and female readers. This paragraph also counters opinions that educated and financially independent wom- en might appear less attractive to men; instead, this statement claims that these features make her more appealing to the other sex. The novel also debates the institution of marriage.
It often compares it to a kind of slavery. These references to marriage as a kind of slavery appear in all four translations in a similar way. The catalyst for this exchange of views is a discussion on the novel Jane Eyre. He considers such female behaviour to be immoral and contrary to social conventions about female modesty. Jacobo, on the other hand, calls for equality between the sexes in matters of the heart. He thinks that women, like men, should be allowed to express their feelings. For him, when a woman reveals her feelings it makes her more attractive, as the man then knows that he is really loved.
Further, Jacobo compares the bride, who allows herself to be sold in this way to the highest-bidding future husband, to a prostitute. Sometimes she refers to herself with these words, some- times other figures refer to her like this, or the expressions more gener- ally denote people who are of non-noble origin. He chooses it four times. Another observation confirms this impression. For this reason he forbids his year-old daughter from ever entering his house again.
Her translation produces a more positive and more authoritative image of the female protagonist than the other three translations feature. The first part of the novel includes a scene where Count Hermann is on his way to Stephana. He silently insults her: Can there be anything more unpleasant than having to deal with women?
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If this was a man, he would not have allowed such coar- seness, he would not have sent the paintings back. It has to be added that the negative im- age of Stephana that Count Hermann creates in his mind at this place in the novel has the function of producing a contrast between his im- agination and reality. On his first encounter with Stephana, he finds her to be a charming, intelligent young woman with refined manners, just the opposite of what he had imagined.
This might have been the price to pay to avoid negative denotations of the female protagonist. This can be seen from the fact that he omits the quotation marks, which were used to designate Helfrid as the person uttering the preceding sentence. These sentences do not appear in her transla- tion. In my work I want to find the purpose of my life. This image is contrary to the impression readers might have gained in the course of the novel, which stresses her educated mind and her experience of the world. This happens at the moment when Stephana reveals to Hermann that she is Elin.
All three male translators describe this scene similarly: Hermann rushes up to her. It was a long hug, which included an entire heaven. The earth with its fleeting pleasures, its bitter pains was forgotten for these two human beings, absorbed in the joy of the moment. Whereas in the German translations these sentences more or less form one paragraph, the Czech translation presents them in a row of sentences of one line each.
The scene becomes a part of the narrative, without special graphical attention. She conflates the entire description into two lines, without any suggestive lines of dots: He rushed towards her. The other three translators at this place in the novel only say that the words the other person uttered brought the spouses back to reality. Among them is the call for women to earn their own living, the ideal of female educa- tion, and the advocated right for women to express their feelings.
Women, the novel suggests, should have their say in decisions that concern their private and public lives, and they should be agents of their own destiny. All four translations retain this feminist potential of the Swedish source text and transfer it into their target language and culture with- out significant alterations. The translations might have contributed to the shaping of feminist thought in Europe. It played a crucial part in the dissemination of European bestsellers, among them many popular novels by Swedish women authors. The publishing business of the Franckh brothers illustrates the competition of the German book market during the first half of the nineteenth century.
The Franckh brothers often produced their own translations of internationally suc- cessful bestselling novels at the same time as other editing houses did. This development contributed to the flooding of the German book mar- ket with different translations of identical source texts, leading to the emergence of translation factories. As censorship was less rigid in the German lands than in surrounding countries, many European authors tried to publish translations of their novels there. Czech translations of European bestselling novels, for instance those by the successful Swed- ish novelist Schwartz, were often done with a German translation as a model.
Bestselling novels sometimes included criticism of the social inequality in Europe at that time. They also addressed the topic of the subordinate position of women. This Swedish novel appeared simultaneously in one German translation produced by the Franckh brothers and in another by Brockhaus. The Czech translation was done by a female translator, whereas the German translators were male. The comparison of these translations with one another and with the Swed- ish source text revealed that the Czech translation probably had the translation produced by the Franckh brothers as a model.
Both German translations and the Czech translation reproduce these kinds of feminist messages, and just as suggested in the comparison of differ- ent translations of Emancipation Frenzy, here, too, the female gender of one of the translators seems to have contributed to a slightly less negative image of female figures. Embedded in entertaining, thrilling, and commercially successful novels, feminist thought was thus transported to various cultures in nineteenth-century Europe and contributed to the emergence of wider calls for the libera- tion of women from their social inequality.
Doris Y. Petra Broomans and Marta Ronne eds. Luise von Flotow, Translation and Gender. Jerome Publishing, Luise von Flotow ed. Norbert Bachleitner and Murry G. Metzler, , pp. Geburtstag am September , Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, , pp. Norbert Bachleitner, Franz M. Eybl, and Ernst Fischer eds. Carl Otto gen.
Reventlow, Stuttgart: Franckh- sche Verlagshandlung, Schwartz, Emancipa- tionswuth , vol. Schwartz, Emancipation Mania , vol. Schwartz, Emancipations-Manie, , vol. Schwartz, Emancipationswuth, , vol. Out of these, there is only one match with the figurative meaning of the expression, and this match is from a dictionary, not from an authentic text.
Schwartz, Emancipations-Manie, , p. Hvad har du gjort? Schwartz, Emancipatonswuth, , vol. Schwartz, Emancipations- Manie, , vol. Schwartz, Emanci- pationswuth, , vol. Schwartz, Emancipa- tions-Manie, , vol. Schwartz, Emancipations- Manie, , p. Schwartz, Emancipationswuth, , p.
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Schwartz, Emancipations- wuth, , vol. Schwartz, Emancipation- swuth, , vol. Schwartz, Eman- cipations-Manie, , vol. Brockhaus, Ein Bild aus der Wirklichkeit, translated by Dr. Schwartz , vol. Translated similarly in the other three translations: Schwartz , vol. Schwartz , p. Es war eine lange Umarmung, die einen ganzen Himmel in sich schloss. However, their paths in the Czech literary, cultural and social landscape are lined with paradoxes. Generally speaking, the debates on even some of the most obscure writers of the time were often rather heated in the Czech press in the latter half of the nineteenth century, but the literary and aesthetic qualities of the novels by these Swedish female authors were never thoroughly analysed in the same magazines and news- papers.
Their popular novels became part of the Czech national move- ment discourse and the fictional characters were used as female models by some in the female emancipation discussions. This fact alone suggests that these authors and their works were well established in the Czech lands — either from Czech translations or from sources in languages other than Czech — and did not require any deeper intro- duction or analysis. What became more important in the discussions was the fact and purpose of translation of these authors into Czech.
How did the translations contribute to the Czech language and literature, the emancipation of the Czech nation, the enlightenment of the Czech society, or education of Czech women? Used by numer- ous publishers for a variety of purposes, despised by many critics for sentimentality and arguably popular among readers, these authors and the translations of their works happened to follow the winding roads of the Czech history for over years, from the s until the s. Here, I will mostly focus on the developments in the second half of the nineteenth century.
As far as data allow, I will analyse the context of the publishing projects, their goals, outcomes and criti- cal reception. Firstly, I will briefly describe the key issues of the Czech National Revival and the importance of translated literature for the national movement. Secondly, I will concentrate on the first attempts to popularise Scandinavian literature, especially that written by women, among Czech readers.
I will empha- sise the topic of education and emancipation of women, as two of the projects were closely linked to the discussions on social enlightenment and the role of women. Fourthly, I will discuss the critical reception of the authors, especially in the last third of the nineteenth century, as well as the grounds for their popularity in the same period.
Finally, I will briefly describe the fates of these authors in Czech publishing, social and political environment in the twentieth century. When he arrived in the town in , he felt that the Czech- language literary scene there had a sound potential and decided to make use of his numerous contacts with Prague-based writers and pub- lish a series of charitable almanacs. Despite his social capital, finding contributors proved challenging. It is not known why he chose to include a story by Bremer, as it was the only translation in the three almanacs he published.
The fact that Bremer appeared in Czech translation in the almanac, a collection of local literature and poetry in Czech, shows that she was a known author in the Czech lands in the first half of the nineteenth cen- tury. As I will show below, she was a popular and relatively recognised female author throughout the century, although her work was not largely available in Czech.
She was never published in any influential Czech periodical, and only one volume of her oeuvre was ever pub- lished in Czech. In the s, however, the important — usually Prague- based — periodicals and their publishers were still busy establishing the Czech language as a viable all-purpose alternative to German and they strove to avoid translations from German, which also included all Scandinavian literature, which had regularly been translated via Ger- man until around The Czech language was abolished from state administration, journalism, schools and literature and was reduced to the language of the peas- antry, domestic servants and stable hands.
During the late-eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Czechs underwent a National Revival, a cultural movement to revive the Czech language, culture, literature, society and national identity. While in the early decades of the National Revival the Czech-language periodicals typically featured translations of German popular literature, the s saw a radical programmatic shift towards original Czech production and translations from Slavic literatures, notably Polish, Russian, and Ukrainian.
Although some editors in chief would include more German and French literature at times, the overall trend of the period from the s to the s is apparent. The establishment and development of the Czech-language cultural and social identity in the course of the National Revival was to a certain extent based on breaking up with the German culture and literature that was so deeply entrenched in the Czech lands.
Czech intellectuals were aiming to establish an independ- ent Czech literary system in the first stage — the first half of the nine- teenth century — and bring it on par with other European literatures in the second half of the nineteenth century. While revivalists struggled to bring ideas and concepts from non-German cultures, in fact program- matically constructing the Czech society, culture and literature as non- German, it was not possible to avoid the German social, cultural and literary system as a natural source of information.
Yet, the translations and news were unsystematic, and numbers were rather low in comparison to other source literatures, such as French, Polish and Russian. The only Scandinavian author to get published repeatedly until the s was the Danish writer Hans Christian Andersen, a frequent visitor to Prague. The case of Fredrika Bremer, however, shows that there was a wider and livelier Czech re- ception of Scandinavian literature in German translation. The Czech intellectuals were perfectly bilingual — many spoke German better than Czech — in the first half of the nineteenth century and had a good grasp of what was happening in the literature outside the extremely lim- ited Czech-language book and press industry.
Younger authors felt that the Czech language and literature had a strong enough foothold and that, in order to flourish and attract readership, it was necessary to open the literature to foreign influences not merely based on linguistic affinity but also on the quality and novelty of the translated produc- tion. In , a brief analysis of the Scandinavian literature Danish and Swedish appeared as part of an extensive study on the contem- porary European novel written by Karel Sabina — , author, dramatist and critic. There is no height or depth in her writing, yet she depicts everyday life faithfully and vividly.
Most of the translations in the s were from Slavic languages, English and French. It published several tales by Hans Christian Andersen, the only Scandinavian author to be represented. For the most part, however, Scandinavian literature was mentioned in shorter descriptive and informative contri- butions. With her extraordinary poetic excellence and a great understanding of the human heart — especially the hearts of women — she managed to surpass such famous authors and Henriette Hanke and Fanny Tarnow.
This and the fact that he made a comparison to two German writers who were popular at the time also suggest a continued dependence on the German sources of information on current literary issues. Generally, Scandinavian literature gained ground only very slowly in Czech. Their comparably strong presence in book translations from the Scandinavian languages is self-evident from to , while the rest of the Scandinavian literature only started to bloom towards the end of the s fig.
The first and strongest started in and lasted about 10 years. The second phase, with a number of re-editions and retranslations, stretched across almost two decades from the mids until the beginning of the twentieth cen- tury. The third phase started right after World War I and the establish- ment of Czechoslovakia and ran for another 10 years. Here, I will focus mainly on the first and foundational phase, but I will come back to the other two phases towards the end of the chapter. Until the mids, his further publishing activity focused almost exclusively on music.
Yet, the pragmatic approach to business and an ability to reach the Czech-speaking audience paved the way for the later publishing business of his son Gustav Schalek, who returned to Prague from his studies in France in While the translation of a novel by Russian V. Bensinger [another non-Czech trash literature publisher], but unfortunately made a wrong choice and landed in the very same footsteps as Messrs Bensinger, Steinhauser, Karafiat [and many more trash literature publishers].
He might have thoroughly researched the contemporary book market matching the data from his bookstore and lending library in German with the authors already available in Czech. It is hard to tell whether he made a good pick market-wise, as there are no sales figures available. Print runs were generally much smaller than in the German market, and distribution was difficult. Moreover, in order to break through and reach the relatively poor Czech audiences, the prices of books in Czech were lower than those of exactly the same books in German.
The proportion of Czech readership was also growing, as Czech was a majority language of those social strata from which most new regular readers would come as of the s. Finally, the bilingual- ism of the Czech intelligentsia was gradually shrinking and — especially in Prague — the importance of the German book market was in de- cline. This did not secure a warmer reception, however. The publishing frequency was three times a week later daily. It featured two kinds of free supplements for subscribers. If the reader lacked some of the half-quires, it was possible to order these separately for a modest fee.
It was also possible to buy a complete volume as soon as the series had been published in its entirety. The pace of publishing was swift: The project started in and by the time the advertisement appeared in , three novels had been published and the third part of the fourth novel was on the way. The supplement was merely supposed to attract readers that otherwise might have been reluctant to subscribe to a newspaper with a distinctly economic and practical agenda.
Such a practice was not exceptional. By that time fiction — and especially the novels — had become the driving force behind the sales of newspapers and magazines for the Czech-speaking masses. The last thing he would do was experiment with finding new literary forms and new authors like more established publishers and editors could do. He made attempts to arouse curiosity in her work by arguing that her writing had a Czech spirit and comparing her to the best Czech authors.
Paradoxically, this made the translation project redundant from a systemic point of view: Why should one import a piece of literature that does not bring any- thing special and new to the receiving system? In every respect, they are bet- ter than the products of the French and German literatures which the speculation [of publishers] has all too overwhelmingly flooded us with — unfortunately — offering a poor selection. This was an obvious attempt to show he did not offer trash literature and was not supposed to be labelled as a trash literature publisher — which was the case of Schalek, for instance.
In the s, the issue of low-brow literature flooding the Czech book market be- came a heated topic. In the wake of the Panic of , a major financial crisis triggering a depression in Europe, the financial situation in the Czech lands deteriorated, driving people away from expensive books. Publishers tried to compensate for the loss and started to publish more and more cheap, low-brow entertaining literature. Or at least he kept a poker face in the promotion article so as not to jeopardise his business plan.
In fact, the two-part praise of the author was followed by an ad- vertisement in the subsequent issue of the newspaper. During these years, he published only one novel by a different author. Two of the novels were written by and for women: one by E. Brad- don, published by several publishers of the time, and one by Schwartz, already abandoned by Schalek. She regarded women as full members of the society and wanted them to play an active role in the emancipation of the Czech nation. In an introductory note, she opened with the popular opinion that the natural centre of gravity for a woman is her family.
Out of 15 novels published between and , nearly two-thirds are by authors already available in Czech. When the Edition was announced in January , including the initial target number of subscribers 20 and the first novel a novel by Schwartz , it was met with tough criticism. Thematically, a vast proportion of the novels focused on women making their way through life. Although a good deal of social criticism — such as the privileges of the nobility and lack of choice and social mobility for women — is often included in the novels, the overall message is often that of reconciliation as soon as a woman gets happily married.
It follows three women, each of whom in her own way transgresses the traditional feminine role. As every frenzy is an emotional exaggeration, a momentary outburst of irrationality, so are the depicted ways of emancipation far from bold or brave; they are just hyperbolic and ridiculous and lead nowhere. By making the ideas more overt, the translator suggested that the novel did not make a strong enough case for the emancipation of women and was perhaps not fulfilling the expectations of the contemporary Czech society, and especially of the intended readership of the Edition.
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Life, as depicted in the Swedish novels, had little to do with the Czech reality. Moreover, the novels — as the author interpreted them for her purpose — failed to address any issues relevant to the contemporary emancipated single Czech woman struggling to stand on her feet without any family sup- port.
The initial print run of the Edition was about 20 copies, or the target was 20 subscribers, while about a half of the print run was eventually sold. The consistent decline in sales in the initial years can be attributed to several factors. One of them was the Panic of that hit all sales of literature.
In , the decision was taken to stop publishing translations and to start afresh, focusing on original Czech literature. In the s, the discourse of national and especially gender emancipation was far too advanced to accept the worldview depicted in the novels that might have been met with curiosity some three dec- ades earlier when such translations could have been regarded as yet another contribution to the practical usage of the Czech language.
The language-oriented national movement of the first half of the nineteenth century, however, quickly turned into a political struggle for extended national freedoms and eventually suffered two major setbacks. Firstly, there was the defeat of the revolution of and the establishment of a neo-absolutist regime in Austria that lasted for a decade and involved severe anti-Czech policies, such as Germanisation of schools, censor- ship and a large number of political imprisonments.
The link between historical events and cultural production was strong in the Habsburg Monarchy as a whole, yet it is especially evident in the growth of publi- cations in Slavic languages and in Czech in particular. Unlike in other European countries, such as France and the UK, the Czech national and gender emancipa- tion went hand in hand. While some date back to the pre era, it was not until the s and s that their activities became visible and had a lasting impact. It happened after the neo-absolutist regime was abandoned, and especially after a law was adopted in Austria in permitting women to establish such associations officially no political goals were allowed, though.
In , the Czech Female Production Association was founded. While the Club helped to inform the discussion and to establish the key topic of the Czech female emancipation, i. The kind of education the Czech Female Production Association had in mind was to make it possible for women to make their own living. It was a response to two major issues of the time. The other concerned the vast social changes that had taken place. In line with these changes, the Production Association and the core activities for the promotion of female education focused on practical skills, such as sewing and other handicrafts, as well as healthcare and teaching.
The characters, stories and settings in the novels did not match the Czech situation and practice and had little potential to show a positive example. They would have preferred a more trendsetting and problem-solving fiction and non-fiction for such a progressive series. Besides poetry, ambitious translation projects or opera librettos, she wrote a popular series of novels for young fe- male readers. In her view, there was no need to translate easy reading as Czechs could write better using mother tongue the linguistic quality of the novel translations was often criticised as poor and closer to the expectations and supposed needs of the Czech female reader.
The pre- vailing model throughout the nineteenth century in the Czech lands was that of a good housewife and mother. It was feasible for less than 20 percent of women the middle class , and the share actually diminished due to the process of industrialisation in the second half of the nineteenth century. Fredrika Bremer had obviously gained a special status, although not articulated, and was not lumped together in the clique of the critically disdained female authors. Also, this defence was published at a time when a new generation of fierce critics and authors was ready to show their wit.
To the last chapter of our female literary pro- duction. About this Item: O. Published by o. About this Item: o. Brustbild im Halbprofil. Published by Film Printing. About this Item: Film Printing. Soft cover. Condition: Good. Original paper wrappers with fine constructivist design. Paper yellowed and marked.
About this Item: No Binding. Condition: Very Good. Very good, fresh example. Signature of Fredric March on verso. Signed: "Conrad Veidt" Signed on verso: "Fredric March" Veidt , born Hans Walter Conrad Weidt, January 22, , Potsdam, Germany; died April 3, , Hollywood, California; silent screen and stage actor, film director, producer and screenwriter; best remembered as Major Strasser, the charming but ruthless Nazi officer in "Casablanca" ; or perhaps as Jaffar, the sinister sorcerer in "The Thief of Bagdad" ; or maybe as Cesare, the stiffly stalking somnambulist in "The Cabinet of Dr.
Caligari" , his most frequently revived silent film. Jekyll and Mr. Signed by Author s. Seinen ersten internationalen Erfolg "Das Cabinet des Dr. Caligari" u. Seine vorletzte, insgesamt From: Royal Books, Inc. Revised Draft script for the film noir. Studio file copy, with rubber-stamps on the front wrapper. Brief notations in holograph pencil on both sides of the front wrapper. Text ends with scene , as called for. The surgeon offers to help the disfigured woman, but her adjustment into a crime-free life is turbulent.
A side story involves a partner-in-crime: a man in search of fortune, only his four-year-old nephew stands in the way.
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Set in Sweden, shot on location in Sun Valley, Idaho. Title page integral with front wrapper.
Pages and wrapper Near Fine, bound with two gold brads. Grant US. Selby US.
Dario Argento : Anatomie der Angst (Deep Focus Bd.16) (2013. 304 S. m. 204 Abb. 210 mm) [Paperback]
Vintage double weight matte finish reference photograph from the seminal silent film. Samuel Goldwyn discovered "Caligari" on a trip abroad, and released this film in the US in , at which time 11 x 14 inch photos such as this one were printed on matte paper. Reference number "4" noted in holograph pencil at the lower right corner of the recto and on the verso as well. The photograph depicts Werner Krauss as Dr. Caligari walking through the streets of the obtuse-appearing city, a prime example of the most basic elements of what would become known as German Expressionism. Producer Erich Pommer put the set design of the film in the hands of designer Hermann Warm and painters Walter Reimann and Walter Rohrig, whom he had met as soldiers while painting sets for a German military theater.
When Pommer began to have second thoughts about how the film should be designed, the designers convinced him that it made sense to paint lights and shadows directly on set walls, floors, background canvases and to place flat sets behind the actors--a cost saving measure that was the essence of a groundbreaking stylistic innovation. Very Good to Near Fine, with a small chip at the lower right corner, slightly trimmed for publication though none of the image is affected, only the margins , and one small closed tear mended at the verso.
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