Historia de dos ciudades (Ilustrada) (Spanish Edition)

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The new Bourbon dynasty which held the throne of Spain after the War of Succession looked for models that it could use as the foundation for its Enlightenment programme. From the time of Philip V, Rome and the Roman empire came to be the reference points for the ministers of the Enlightenment. The Roman model is reflected in the proliferation of books about Roman trade, agriculture, roads and public works. It is also represented in the translations and editions of Latin writers such as Columella.

The royal iconography of the Bourbon monarchs was inspired by classical models: portraits of emperors in the form of Roman busts and equestrian statues such as that of Marcus Aurelius on the Campidoglio; and they adopted clothes, armour and symbols from triumphant generals or Roman emperors 32 , as in the representation of Charles III giving lands to the tenants by royal decree in Similarly, following the Renaissance tradition in which Rome had been considered the ideal centre of study for artists, architects and antiquarians, the Spanish Bourbons promoted the examination of antiquities in order to apply in Spain ideas acquired from Italy.

The idea was to attempt to be the equal of the Roman empire; in so doing, they tried to recover the cultural hegemony lost under the last Austrian rulers by imitating ancient Rome, its political power and the images used to symbolise that power. Eighteenth-century Spain saw two expressions of the interest in classical antiquity: the travels financed by the Real Academia de San Fernando and the royal commissions in Italy.

We cannot relate either of these to the tradition of the Grand Tour -those lengthy travels which took nobles, dilettantes and artists from the N European countries, including France, Germany and England, to Italy, Sicily and, later, Greece, and which acted as the basis for experiencing classical culture and for learning.

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Although enlightened Spanish reformers, following Montesquieu and Rousseau, eulogised travel as a path to knowledge, in Spain these travels were understood in a different way. The main goal was 'learning' for 'usefulness and for the common good', two concepts which were well established in Enlightenment philosophy.

People travelled with the aim of acquiring useful knowledge for the progress of Spain, not only in techniques and industry, but also in artistic matters. Consequently, there were two kinds of travels. It was unusual for the monarchy to fund visits to Italy in order to buy antiquities to expand or complete royal collections and thereby facilitate the assimilation of the image of Rome in Spain. One of the most important results of this expedition was the acquisition of several mosaics, now in the National Archaeological Museum Madrid. They were bought from the heirs of Cardinal Massimo and discussed by Winckelmann There are coins, part of the cabinet of coins of the royal library subsequently integrated into the Madrid National Archaeological Museum from its foundation in The acquisition through purchase or by legacy of collections of classical sculpture amassed in Italy was another element of the 'Romanisation' of the monarchy.

Rulers decorated their palaces with these statues, giving their buildings an appearance similar to that of the other royal houses of Europe. The two most important collections of the 18th c. Between and he stayed in Rome as recorded in the biographical prologue of vol.

Dissertatio historica Rome His visit to Rome coincided with Winckelmann's and with that of the painter Anton Rafael Mengs; the latter had an important influence on the diffusion of the neo-classicism in Spain through the editions of his works made by his good friend, the Spanish ambassador Azara.

Unlike foreign writers who often considered the literature of travel important, only a few Spanish visitors wrote about their impressions. In one, written in Rome on April 23, , he described his visits to Pompeii and Herculaneum and to the court of Charles III in Naples he does not mention Ponz, though probably he travelled with him The main aim of his travel was the study of governments, literature, fine arts and theatre in England, France and Italy; his costs were paid directly by Manuel Godoy, the powerful minister in the government of Charles IV.

Nevertheless, architects were the most important of those who travelled to Italy, for they spread the classical image to Spain. Their mission was to study the monuments of antiquity in order to apply ideas about proportions, style and ornamentation in their designs of civil and religious buildings in Spain, and especially in the royal palaces. The Spanish Bourbon dynasty also promoted the study of classical topics through institutions that were royal foundations, such as the Real Academia de San Fernando and the Real Academia de la Historia. For this purpose, several expeditions with very specific goals were financed; as a result, a national history was established that had strong Greco-Roman roots, and a classical artistic atmosphere was introduced, not only in iconography, but also in architecture and the minor arts.

This constitutes the second major phase in the relationship between Spain and Rome.

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The tradition in classical architecture that was dominant from the 16th c. Around , a particular event called this interpretation into question - the discovery of the Greek temples of Paestum the so-called 'Fortune of the Doric' The temples of Paestum presented a new image of Greek architecture. Goethe described his visit to Paestum, accompanied by the painter Kniep, in a letter dated March 23, He followed Winckelmann, who had visited the site in Goethe described his feeling of confusion and annoyance when he saw these temples, which were less slender, cruder and more severe than the reproductions he knew:.

This confusion was the result of the contrast between Doric architecture and the ideas of classical architecture held in the Renaissance - that is, images derived from Rome and amended by Palladio, Vignola and Serlio, who interpreted Vitruvius. After all, it was Greece, and Greeks were always right. This surprise was also experienced by other travellers. Consequently, a crisis occurred in the tradition of architectural studies based mainly on Renaissance treatises in the Vitruvian tradition: the reaction adopted simplicity in composition and austerity in ornamentation - rational ideas that corresponded with the principles proposed by Winckelmann.

The return to a 'true and noble architecture' would be possible only through direct study of Vitruvius, and not by taking into account the interpretations, more or less rigorous, derived from Renaissance writers. In Spain there was a serious need for a reliable edition of The ten books of architecture to act as an instrument for the codification of architectural rules and thus facilitate the elaboration of a neo-classical theory during the second half of the 18th c There was no accurate translation of Vitruvius in Spain even though the new Vitruvian theories had been introduced since the beginning of the 16th c.

This was the first Spanish treatise on classical architecture and also the first in France, translated in with the title Raison d'architecture antique though Renaissance art had been introduced into Spain 40 years earlier There were also translations of Serlio such as that from Francisco de Villalpando, Tercero y quarto libro de architectura de Sebastiano Serlio Toledo , in which can be found the first descriptions of ancient monuments in Rome and the Renaissance buildings modelled after them, with drawings of plans, elevation and decoration To the difficulties of the Latin text was added a lack of reliable translations, so during the 18th c.

His editions of Vitruvius and Palladio played an important part in the debate and in the consolidation of classicism in the Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando He quickly realised the differences between the ideal architecture described by Vitruvius and converted into an architectural tradition by classical scholars of the Renaissance, and the actual Roman monuments. Responding to criticisms of Vitruvius that were prompted by the inexactitude of his text, for example, those resulting from the re-discovery of Doric architecture, Ortiz y Sanz developed a defence of him by rejecting the two architectural orders that had been invented by Renaissance architects, especially Serlio and Vignola the Tuscan and the Italic orders.

This did not mean, however, the adoption of a new Greek taste. Ortiz y Sanz returned to Spain in and in presented the idea of an archaeological journey around Spain to the count of Floridablanca, the secretary of state. This project, known as the Noticia y plan de un viage arquitectonico-antiquario, encargado por S. The aim of the journey was to draw the archaeological and architectural remains of Roman date in Spain in order to find the roots of an authentic Spanish classicism.

To develop his research on Vitruvius, Ortiz y Sanz asked for the collaboration of resident architects in Rome. The minister Floridablanca considered it vital for architects to travel to Rome as part of their education, since Spain did not have the splendour and magnificence of Italy and the country needed good architects who could put into practice Enlightenment ideas about recovering the classical past.

By contrast, painters and sculptors in Spain had excellent models to use for their inspiration: these included, for example, the sculptures in the royal collections and the copies and casts in the academies. For this reason, the grants for painters were suppressed in , but the grants for architects continued. Many of them were citizens vecinos of Santiago or other cities, where they had houses, wives, and children and where they resided part of the year.

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  • The Spaniards targeted for reduction were individuals who lived outside the confines of recognized communities. For those favoring the reduction of Spaniards, if Indians who lived dispersed in the countryside merited congregation, so did Spaniards. For those opposing resettlement, neither Spaniards nor Indians should be affected by these measures because, given the particular conditions in Chile, their dispersed residence was actually a good thing, as it allowed agriculture to prosper. Chile was a frontier territory, dependent on agriculture, reputably poor, and susceptible to foreign invasions and indigenous uprising.

    Living in the valleys around Santo Domingo, it was argued in , were more than one hundred Spaniards whose reduction was necessary. Their reduction would ensure, he sustained, that they live like Christians and in an appropriate republic. The king and his officials, though insisting on the freedom of immigration, which all Spaniards enjoyed, nevertheless maintained that this freedom was contingent on those leaving one community immediately joining another Herzog , People who had no fixed domicile or local belonging were both useless and dangerous.

    Those, on the contrary, who agreed to mend their ways and fix their domicile in a known community, were spared. The authorities also elaborated rules restricting charity, indicating that it could be given to the poor only in their community of citizenship or birth. The individuals who were involved in the elaboration and imposition of these measures regarded them as a herald for the coming of a new age. They suggested that the situation required urgent remedy because, according to them, those whom they sought to reform were not only poor and vagabonds but also heretics and criminals.

    These individuals transgressed the good laws and customs, committed sins and excesses, and their bad habits could even be contagious. Their insertion into local communities, it was argued, would transform them into useful vassals because life without discipline and control produced thieves and deserters, while life in a recognized community guaranteed obedient citizens. On occasions, the same policies were applied to peasants, the civil and ecclesiastical authorities suggesting that their lamentable state required such extreme measures.

    The most obvious example were the Roma Gypsies. As early as and again in , , , and , the Roma were ordered to abandon their nomadic way of life and establish a permanent domicile. The authorities re-issued similar orders throughout the eighteenth century, as well as drawing up a list of places permitted for Roma residence. These people were ordinary Spaniards. Born on the Peninsula as vassals of the king, they nevertheless behaved in an anti-social and illegal manner. Their constant movement allowed them to live freely, only obeying their own desires.

    Unlike all other Spaniards, who resided permanently in local communities, the Roma who constantly moved from one place to the next were not under the control of authorities, magistrates, or the clergy. The aim of all anti-Roma legislation, the authorities argued, was to ensure that the Roma changed their way of life. They were to abandon their vagrancy and, instead of maintaining their isolation —which was viewed in these decrees as self-inflicted—, they would be forced to integrate into local communities.

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    Refusal to do so would automatically lead to their losing the right to remain in Spain. The Roma who insisted on maintaining a separate existence and nomadism would be incarcerated, expelled, or even sentenced to death. Operating here, as in the Americas, was the conviction that life outside a recognized community produced dangerous individuals. Equally constant was the belief that reduction would solve this problem because it would miraculously convert all those who refused to obey social, religious, and political norms into good Christians, faithful vassals, and exemplary citizens.

    This danger was religious heresy, sin, and ignorance , civic crimes and disorder and political disobedience to the authorities or the king. It was as if, by living outside the boundaries of a recognized local polity, these individuals also lived outside all social, political, and religious precepts, only obeying their own law. Beginning in the Middle Ages mostly the tenth and eleventh centuries , most Iberian farmers residing in isolated rural estates began congregating in villages.

    Their omnipresence contributed to the emergence of new methods for physically and socially ascribing individuals. Whereas before this process took place most individuals were identified mainly by reference to their kin group, after communities started appearing all over the Iberian Peninsula, many began taking on an identity that linked them to a particular local polity, their patria Rucquoi Defined as aggregates of many villages, towns, and settlements, they were composite rather than unitary because they were configured as assemblies of autonomous local polities.

    As a result, in the late fourteenth and fifteenth century, when each of the Iberian kingdoms defined its members naturales , these were mostly identified as vecinos of local municipalities Herzog The linking of local insertion vecindad to kingdom membership naturaleza continued into the early modern period. In the sixteenth century, it was used to define who Spaniards were: Spaniards were natives of the Iberian kingdoms, and natives were citizens of local communities.

    In other words, it was through their formal insertion into a recognized local community that individuals could be classified also as members naturales of the various kingdoms and of Spain. This was what happened to the Roma who, albeit being born and bred in Spain, were considered alien because of their itinerant lifestyle.

    The same, however, also happened to other individuals, such as the poor and vagabonds, who were often suspected of foreignness. Because of the tight link between local insertion and status as Spaniard, Spaniards could become aliens if they ceased being integrated within a Spanish local community. The contrary was also true: insertion into a local community was a means for naturalization. The Roma were aware of these connections.

    Outside observers tended to agree. Thus, while the resettlement of Indians clearly intensified the hardship inflicted on the native population, and it definitely served the ambitions of settlers, it was neither invented nor specifically designed to sustain a colonial situation Mumford , 7, 42; Verdesio , Instead, resettlement was to bring about a legal and political transformation: the conversion of foreigners into natives, strangers into members.

    This transformation could be facilitated by external and quantifiable changes, but these were neither necessary nor sufficient. Looking back to Spain may help us appreciate this point. Skeletons without flesh, their existence was profoundly phantasmagorical. No Spaniard had ever resided there, nor were permanent houses ever built.

    Nevertheless, contemporaries concluded that it was a true community because it had a town council cabildo. The proof was that its so-called vecinos who habitually resided elsewhere regularly met in Londres once a year to elect local officials. The bishop was particularly concerned about Caloto, an enclave abandoned by its council members. Although these individuals continued to act as if Caloto existed, running its city council and distributing honors, as well as duties, among its so-called citizens, the bishop concluded that Caloto was an imaginary rather than a real town. At stake was not so much where they lived, not even how they lived though both things could be useful indicators , but under which legal and political conditions.

    Communities were primarily legal entities, not physical structures. Like the church which was defined not as a building or an organization but as the community of believers , proper polities were made of the sum total of relations between authorities and members and between members among themselves; they did not include houses, or streets. They featured an adequate legal regime, a local fuero. It clarified why Spaniards could disagree regarding which enclaves were proper communities and which individuals merited reduction. Back to the reduction of natives, historians have long struggled to explain why in many cases Spaniards agreed to leave natives in their original habitat rather than forcing them to leave, as the instructions on resettlement required.

    They asked why many Indigenous enclaves were only slightly modified rather than radically altered, and why the authorities allowed for this continuity rather than imposing a complete physical rupture Saito and Rosas Lauro , 31 and Yet, if communities were legal, social and political realities, none of the above is surprising. At stake was not necessarily a gap between model and implementation, or the power of natives to negotiate, as many historians have asserted.

    Because these campaigns sought to transform natives from members in ethnic collectivities to residents of municipal entities, they did not require the restructuring of streets or buildings. Instead, they could be completed by ensuring the appearance of new relationships. In the colonies, poblados were identified with Spanish cities, whereby despoblados were associated with the not-yet controlled or insufficiently controlled Indigenous hinterland. In Spanish imagination, this meant that they were chaotic and barbaric. Considered dangerous because not yet domesticated, their residents were said to live in a state of nature, more appropriate for animals than humans Scott ; Sluyter , In the Old World, despoblados were associated with abandonment, sterility, and desert.

    In the Americas, they were also equated with inaccessibility and with the continuation of native control. They were therefore often designated as montes high land and quebradas uneven and open territory , regardless of what their geography was. Remote, uncontrolled, menacing, and resisting change were the characteristic they communicated, not a specific location. This could be the case because these designations did not describe a particular habitat but instead pointed to a political space that was insufficiently controlled, civilized, or Hispanized Mumford , As Inca Garcilaso de la Vega explained in his Royal Commentaries, while in Spain being of the mountains was a sign of prestige because it identified the natives of Asturias and Vizcaya, in the Americas it became a derogatory designation, which classified individuals as savages Garcilaso de la Vega , It also implied that these Indians lacked proper communities because the only legitimate form of settlement was the Spanish one.

    These Indians would never become true political beings, and would never be part of the Hispanic commonwealth, if they would not be reduced to the right order. If what was at stake in theory were factual questions such as whether the individuals targeted were truly nomads, criminals, or dangerous, in practice what drove the resettlement campaigns was, above all, the conviction that what truly improved people was their integration into a formally constituted, self-governing community. Following this assumption, those who were not members of local communities were considered to inhabit spaces external to the social, cultural, and political context.

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    And, while the lack of local inscription produced disaster, integration in a community could operate miracles. Louis, USA. Moscoso is now involved in the history of the "Passions of Modernity", mainly ambition, jealousy, envy and resentment; the elusive history of the swing and the Politics of Pain. Javier Moscoso Email: javier. Despacho: 2E Instituto de Historia. Departamento de Historia de la Ciencia.

    Historia de dos ciudades - Charles Dickens (1859)

    Grupo: Ciencia, Mediambiente y Salud. Libros J. Moscoso, Historia cultural del dolor, Madrid, Taurus, B. Fantini, D. Moscoso, eds. Moscoso, El siglo de las Luces, National Geographic, Moscoso, Pain. Moscoso, Historia Cultural del Dolor. Moscoso, Diderot y D'Alembert. Moscoso, editor, PAIN. Barona, Moscoso, Pimentel, eds.