Die göttlichen Gesetze: universell - materiell - spirituell (German Edition)

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But even within the cultural turn, the linguistic perspective, dominating the academic discourse for a long time, restricted the perception of and reasoning on the world to texts and thus mainly to a theological perspective cf. Geography of religion, though not spread very widely, seems to correlate quite well with the theoretical assumptions of a sociologically oriented, constructivist landscape archaeology.

Odours and sounds, for example, elude archaeology — possible functions of sound may at least be reconstructed at a basic level e. SCARRE 20 — but the inference from things to practice and cognition is the genuine field of archaeology. NARR ; cf. Due to this education it is no surprise that Maringer concentrated on the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic. But this focus also immanently develops from the idea of a culture that came before all others.

As ethnological research had demonstrated that peoples on a Neolithic level already disintegrated into different culture-circles, a primordial culture had to be expected in the Palaeolithic. In matters of religion this approach implied that the primary monotheism postulated by Schmidt had to be the religion of the first hunters in the Lower Palaeolithic.


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Strikingly enough, German research in prehistoric religion is frequently focused on the Stone Ages until today e. MANTE — MANTE f. Narr NARR even shifts the burden of proof by claiming the religiosity of palaeolithic humans to be self-evident, if palaeolithic man should be regarded human at all, asking those in doubt of palaeolithic religion to present their evidence against it.

Archaeological imaginations of religion 47 systems for the central European Bronze Age. Both gods clearly resemble the Christian god cf. Colin Renfrew has cautioned against such dangers that we may take our own culturally encapsulated perspective on religion in order to inquire about past religion. Being monotheistic, Christianity is quite a special kind of religion, literally codified and thus a rather formalised, authoritative system of belief. Comparison with other present day or pre historic religions may suggest that this type — except of generally being monotheistic — is typical to urban cultures only , while ethnographic records seem to suggest that non-urban and tribal societies adhere to quite different religious systems helpfully counteracting our preconceptions of too narrow a view on religion RENFREW a: Looking beyond the written sources thus blurs the dichotomy of literate monotheistic religions and oral tribal beliefs.

Oral tradition may produce a very high degree of formalisation and complexity as well. But the way Renfrew puts forward his warning provokes the corresponding danger of stereotyping prehistoric and tribal religions that are too different from our own and degrading them to a mere phantom of otherness. Balancing between these two extremes easily slips to one side.

WUNN 10—13, 29; correlations of types of religion and stages of culture were eventually formulated by evolutionists like Lubbock, Tylor, Frazer and others by the end of the 19th century — cf. In German archaeology, however, such correlations found some interest. On a wider level it needed the theoretical re-arrangement of anthropology after World War II with its functionalist world view cf.

MANTE esp. Functionalist reasoning easily paired with the backup of neo-evolutionary concepts e. Morton H. Fried FRIED ; proposed an evolutionary model-sequence of social organisation from band to tribe to chiefdom and finally to state. Corresponding to this increasing social complexity e. In Peter Schauer argued in an eye-catching analogous correlation of religious and economic organisation that agricultural economy since the Neolithic should have resulted in religious beliefs centred in myths of fertility, birth and death.

In his system hunter-gatherers of the Upper Palaeolithic which possibly lived in clans are associated with shamanism, animism, and totemism as clans are typical social structures relating to totemism URBAN Around the same time James C. Legitimately demanding a thorough methodology in archaeological research of religion he did not offer any practical steps towards it, but based his work on a bulk of definitions mostly derived from anthropology of the s and 70s — each of them arguable in itself.

Old and almost all younger stories of social and religious evolution implicitly transport this teleological belief that the state is a better form of social organisation and monotheism is a much more advanced religion than shamanism. Author cf. She emphasises that biological evolution is neither inherently teleological nor based on a principle of progress, but describes a steady and continuous change of forms with the younger developing from the older, and a secondary selection towards those forms that are actually the best adapted to a specific environment WUNN 6—21; f. Taking biological evolution as her model, she regards religions as organically developing out of each other with one religion being more successful than another depending on its social and environmental suitability WUNN — The evolutionary coupling of religion and socio- environmental context allows Wunn to draw on the established idea of a tight correlation between types of religion and types of social organisation WUNN f.

Her goal is to reconstruct an evolutionary stemma of palaeo-, meso- and neolithic religions with the lineages of evolution offering further traits of interpretation since religions that are related by ancestry and filiation are related in their contents as well WUNN 32— While it is surely a great merit for Wunn to free evolutionism from teleology it remains doubtful whether evolutionary biologism is an appropriate approach to describe and explain cultural developments.

Consciously or not, however, she clearly pleads for such interactions being frequent in the evolution of religions WUNN 32f. We agree to current trends in studies of religion that analyse religion regarding its function within a socio-economic system. But it is a step too far to reduce religion to a predictable function cf.

ASAD , to postulate an economic determinism. Sociologist Niklas Luhmann LUHMANN points to the epistemological deficit of any models of social and religious co-evolution: they lack conclusive arguments on why and how socio-structural changes on the macro-level should influence individual behaviour and thus religious solutions to social problems.

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To infer from the archeological phenomena to the techniques producing them I take to be relatively easy. To infer to the subsistence-economics of the human groups concerned is fairly easy. To infer to the religious institutions and spiritual life may seem superficially, perhaps, to be easier, and for the first few steps it may sometimes be so.

It is never likely to be able to tell us anything about the administration of justice, the penalties used to enforce it, nor the content of any laws, the way in which descent rather than inheritance of property is determined, the effective limitations on the powers of chiefs, or even of the extent of their authority. In German archaeology — with some delay — Ulrich Fischer agreed that there are two levels of culture: while it is rather possible to approach the lower level of techniques, the upper level of symbolism is mainly blocked to the archaeologist FISCHER [U] xxviii; cf.

VEIT footnote VEIT f. Hawkes did not intend the different rungs as a progress of inference and knowledge from one rung to the next — in contrast to contemporary widespread ideas of cumulative knowledge, one led to the other as Evans-Pritchard intended to approach Nuer-religion after he had studied all other aspects of their life EVANS- PRITCHARD v. Probably quite out of his influence Hawkes was widely misread, contrary to his intentions — partly because he was not very detailed in the application of his ladder, partly because a ladder may not have been the best metaphor in his case.

On the one hand processualists blamed Hawkes for being too pessimistic on archaeological possibilities to reconstruct more than the material aspects of prehistoric life cf. On the other hand, within a processual framework cf. VOSTEEN 20—23 perfectly corresponded to the intellectual concepts of economy at the basis of society with mind and belief as its crown.

This processualist reading in turn let post-processual criticism against Hawkes arise, saying that it is hardly possible to intersect society in different fields or rungs and to infer from one to the other e. EVANS By assuming a common, though hidden core of all religions this question of truth can be surmounted.

The theological quest for an essence may be combined with an evolutionary, genetic fallacy tracing this core back to the very origin of all religions. Therefore, the original core is proclaimed to be essentially preserved in all religions — generously ignoring the possibility that not only manifestations but essential cores as well may change in the course of time BYRNE 15—18; cf.

It is based on a methodological analogy between science and studies of religions: scientific procedures are pervading the manifestations of nature, ending up with a natural law at the very centre and so a scientist of religion ought to find a universal core or some other generalisation behind all the different manifestations of religions BYRNE 14f. This approach was a favourite especially during the later 19th century as it heavily drew upon Darwinian evolutionism BYRNE 16f.

Concerning archaeology, the still high popularity of Eliade may by supported by some more reasons based on the practice of the discipline: 1. Eliade already made ample but mostly careless use of archaeology, which facilitates archaeologists to refer to and to apply his works. Accordingly, it is no surprise that there are numerous archaeological references to Eliade until today, both directly to his interpretations as well as implicitly to his methodology e.

OTTE 55f. Moreover, Gimbutas deserves special interest not only for being highly influential outside archaeology, but also within academia and for the extensive and exemplary criticism on her work a. They reveal the basic world-view of Old European [ They constitute a complex system in which every unit is interlocked with every other in what appear to be specific categories.

No wonder that with this approach she ends up with 37 HUTTON demonstrates the prehistory of the idea of a Great Goddess back into antiquity and romanticism. A perfectly circular argument! And indeed throughout her practical work we do not trace any consequent application of structuralism, but merely loose associations in the Eliadean wake Among them Carsten Colpe, a historian of religions, is outstanding for a position paper published in COLPE proposing a methodology on possibilities of identifying sacred sites and interpreting offerings in pre- and para[sic!

Though he is not the first person to connect sites and deposits e. Adopting the methodological reflections of Anders Nygren NYGREN he proposes a consequently transcendental approach taking the sheer existence of the sacred as an a priori. Archaeological imaginations of religion 61 transcendental meaning are.

Archaeological proof of a valid transcendental a priori at a place is COLPE 31—34 : a repetition, i. To rule out that any place may arbitrarily be interpreted as a sacred site, archaeologists can consider offerings as a corrective COLPE This methodology, especially designed for the use of archaeology, certainly provides a much more intersubjective and systematic tool than the personal experience and empathy or the sheer collectionism of Otto and Eliade and goes far beyond the fantastic tales of Gimbutas.

Epistemologically, however, this argument precludes the possibility of falsification and thus returns to the basic problem of phenomenological argumentations that they are made because of scientific reasoning. Much more convincingly Gabriele Zipf ZIPF 14 remarks that out of the three points Colpe proposes to identify sacred sites only the first one continuity of a site might be a viable approach for archaeology cf.

While she claims to lean heavily on Colpe, she in fact counters his emic theological perspective that a place is sacred in itself and can thus only be discovered, but not made COLPE esp. In accordance with phenomenologists of religions esp. ELSAS 34—36 archaeologists have further substantiated this extraordinariness of sites of hierophany as especially caves, groves, springs, lakes and mountain tops, usually of outstanding natural beauty cf.

Indeed in some cultural contexts such natural sites are recorded as sacred cf. ECO ff.

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And Caspar David Friedrich, the most famous painter of German Romanticism, preferably painted desolate landscapes as mirrors of sentiment and metaphysical emotions; more generally put, art should mediate between human 43 Translatio S. Alexandri auctoribus Ruodolfo et Meginharto; ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz. Monumenta Germaniae historica Scriptores 2 —, c. MOHN Since then many — if they feel any need for theoretical explication at all — refer to Colpe or generally set their starting point in matters of religion at the Otto-Eliade-team e.

He could not really speak with these powers, but could express gratitude and fear in rites. Usually the archaeologist is able to recognise these places only by the residue of offerings and sacrifices. Sie sind somit aus sich heraus zu verstehen.


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But — as Falkenstein observes — there is no deposit at the bottom of just any bizarre cliff or in just any shaft of a cave; therefore the conception of a place as naturally sacred has to be revealed in every single case, e. In other cases explicit references to hierophany are missing, but the concept of naturally sacred sites becomes self-evident e. Casually and quite at the end of his paper p. In some strands of archaeological discussion such reasoning even became common knowledge, e. Archaeological imaginations of religion 67 Following some occasional findings and small excavations at prominent rock formations from the s onwards Armin Stroh in defined such free standing rocks, accompanied by depositions in their vicinity, as an archaeological category for the first time; precluding practical use of the quite remote places, sacred sites seemed to be most plausible to him STROH Maier concludes that the choice of such natural places for religious offerings were sparked by universal human, behavioural and religious elementary processes51 and allow for analogies with the nature mysticism of the Renaissance MAIER ; but HANSEN Though not explicitly referring to or quoting Eliade or Colpe, Maier obviously follows their idea of naturally sacred sites; however, they do not seem to be implemented by hierophany, but by a psychic unity of mankind cf.

A decade later the idea of naturally sacred sites was common knowledge, so that Ferdinand Leja could start a paper on two more Bavarian sacrificial rock-sites by stating that such sites sources, rivers, bogs, trees, mountaintops etc. Different as they are, in detail all these authors take the existence of the holy and the potential sacredness of a site as an a priori and concentrate on problems of identification — partly via its landscape setting and atmosphere, partly via ritual residue.

Apart from general objections against a sacred a priori cf. Contrary to Eliade, Reim seems to regard natural sacredness not as an inherent feature, but as a concept, which was effective only in some periods. Sacred and profane sites relate to specific situations of meaning, they can be made and dissolved.

In consequence, Hansen strictly demands research of the social functions of religions in their individual contexts instead of fantasies on beliefs HANSEN and thus paves the way to a contemporary research in the archaeologies of religion. BOYER ; cf. Apart from general criticism for such transcendental and experiential characterisations the fundamental problem is that such universal characteristics of religion are not based in comprehensive empiricism regardless of their claim to be , but in definition.

The seemingly surprising fact of a trans-cultural religious constant constructed by cognitive and evolutionary scientists is an epistemological short-circuit: in a first step religion is defined — if it is defined at all — mostly in a very home-made and out-dated manner. In a second step, based on some loose empirical statements, which at the best hold true for present societies, this type of religion is proclaimed to be a universal phenomenon of humankind. For pre historic societies it is a matter of definition, whether and what kind of religion can be identified, i.

From this alleged universality of religion it is deduced that it can be approached by science e. Finally, this universality is claimed to support the hypothesis that religion is a by- product of evolution and must be innate to humans; consequently some authors ask for the evolutionary benefits of this alleged human constant. Apart from this very reductionist functionalism it is far from convincing to take universality as a hint to an evolutionary origin of religion. Archaeological imaginations of religion 71 Bearing in mind the fundamental differences between specific religions today disregarding historic forms there is no reason to consider all of them the same phenomenon.

To conclude that religion is a universal phenomenon is a logic fault mixing the object level and the meta level. That a universality of religion is nothing more than a Western construction becomes especially clear through a thought experiment: from a point of logic we have to consider the possibility of a society without any form of religion VAN BAAREN The problem, however, seems to be our lack of ability to imagine how anxieties and quests for meaning could be answered or lived by without some kind of belief The universal human constant of religion may be nothing more than the linguistic manifestation of our inability to imagine humans without religion.

Claiming that New Archaeology hardly set out to develop an analytical approach to religion we have to refer to some very few exceptions: the most elaborate of them was worked out by Kent Flannery and Joyce Marcus, who repeatedly dealt with a scientific approach to ancient religion, especially by example of Zapotec culture e. According to the principles of processual archaeology this clearly is a deductive approach, taking its initial hypothesis from ethnographic sources on culture under research.

The method certainly has its pitfalls cf. Frequently the authors stress that any inference on past cognition is bound to sufficient sources, i. To Renfrew such a transcendental aspect is central to any definition of religion, as to him — in this point he opposes Durkheim and Geertz — religion is more than merely a binding system of belief, which may be secular as well e. Archaeological imaginations of religion 75 above, this insistence on the transcendental as definitional criterion of religion is very characteristic of Anglophone archaeology until today.

Countering the neglect of religion in early processualism Renfrew sets out to develop an advanced interpretational frame of a cognitive-processual archaeology in his book as well as in three more papers of and for an attempt of definition FLANNERY — MARCUS 36f. By posing these two questions Renfrew refers to a definitional distinction between belief and cult, between faith and practice. This distinction traces back to Protestant counter-Catholic propaganda cf.

But do not such coherent systems of belief involve rituals as well? Renfrew observes correctly that so far archaeologists mainly concentrated on recognition of cult than on evidence of belief RENFREW a: He proposes a first set of defined criteria for distinguishing archaeological remains of religious cult from those of secular ceremonies esp.

The ritual spot may have special, natural associations or the ritual may take place in a special building, attention-focussing devices in architecture, special fixtures e. An architecture reflecting practices of conspicuous public display and hidden exclusive mysteries. Facilities e. FIGL 63— URBAN 89, who offers analogy to antique or protohistoric times with textual reference as a solution.

Archaeological imaginations of religion 77 religious experience e. Clearly there are some problems with this set of criteria for general problems with such check-lists cf. From the sub-points it becomes obvious, however, that he does not refer to the presence itself, but to a representation of the transcendent more clearly RENFREW — which may be arguable in some cases.

Thus Renfrew emphasises the quest for symbols as directly representing ancient beliefs for such analysis cf. But one year earlier Renfrew had already acknowledged this problem and suggested a much more systematic approach of a functional typology of symbols RENFREW 6—9; a: 53f. Finally, as Renfrew worked out these points with special reference to the site of Phylakopi, they are hard to apply to other sites at least outside the Aegean Bronze Age cf. Based on the presupposition that the whole is logically senior to the parts and formally organised by structures of difference, to which concrete culturally defined objects and subjects are subordinate, structuralism set out to explore cultural systems of symbols mostly unconsciously.

Frequently, but not necessarily, these structures are organised in binary pairs of opposition. The basic system of symbols is language, including esoteric and non-verbal languages. There is no structure outside language, i. In the field of archaeology of religion, structuralism provides a heuristical method to define a comprehensible order in the fairly associative heaps of examples piled up by Eliade and others.

It proposes a clear cut methodology to infer from such material onto interpretations, and it takes culture as a total system of symbols for examples cf. Debatable as many presuppositions of structuralism are — especially in its binary form — for a summary of criticisms cf. Our perception of this progress is sharpened when contrasting scientific and structuralist endeavours in theory and methodology with those highly associative religious imaginations widely unaware of any theoretical problems otherwise published by archaeologists of those days cf. Nevertheless, structuralism was only received in a small part of Anglophone archaeology cf.

This was partly due to the fact that processualism very quickly narrowed its interests down to economy and ecology, but mainly due to structuralism regarding culture as a total system of symbols in which the elements of the system were not specified by relations of cause and effect as it would be necessary within a systemic approach , but by their embeddedness in a contextual structure basically formed by cultural conventions cf.

While Renfrew set out to develop a methodology mainly compatible to, but broadening a processual framework, the same discontent stood at the cradle of post-processual criticism inspiring the birth of an explicitly different kind of constructivist archaeologies HODDER ; VEIT — In academic practice religion as such is hardly ever addressed and largely neglected. They seem to regard religion as unimportant or even a dangerous fallacy and therefore un consciously do not consider it in their archaeological frames of interpretation.

Cutting away structuralist generalisations for the benefit of the individual leaves post-processual archaeology in need for a methodology to interpret structures and symbols Widespread accusations are not completely wrong for at least the first decade of post-processual archaeologies, in that they consist of a theoretical framework missing any defined methodology.

Its obvious strength is much more in criticising and deconstructing established theories, methods and narratives of research. EGGERT — has obvious consequences if culture is conceptualised as a meaningful system of such symbols: within this framework the analysis of symbols might now make sense on an infra-cultural level only; at least eclectic cross-cultural generalisations as delivered by Eliade and Gimbutas should come to an end.

However, in practice things turned out to be difficult without cross-cultural comparison. Christopher Tilley TILLEY for example, starting with a rigorous structuralist analysis of Scandinavian Bronze age rock-art, faces the problem that it is almost impossible to infer from a binary structure on the meaning of 64 General criticism on interpretive archaeologies for lacking fixed inter-subjective points of reference and thus being fundamentally relativistic e. VEIT are no academic counter-arguments in the validity of the theory, but much more revealing on the ethical and psychological stands of the critics.

As man has always lived in the world he cannot regress behind this condition of understanding, but he can try to understand this condition hermeneutically. To Merleau-Ponty the human body is central instead, ambiguously mediating between subject and object, being the place where man is grounded in the world. The world itself is an antecedent total phenomenon not to be constructed, but to be described, though this description is always related to preconceptions and in the act of perceiving constitutes objects. In archaeology it is mainly Christopher Tilley e.

Strikingly enough, Colin Renfrew — in almost any respect in diametric opposition to Tilley — in an attempt to amend the foundations of cognitive archaeology and to look for a theory to bridge the gap between today and the past, he takes exactly the same loophole as Tilley RENFREW 10f.

This mode of inference works even better if we admit that change is not an unquestionable consequence of time, but has to be proven PEARSON As in some cases — especially concerning the body — it might be very hard to show such a change, the presumably constant body will seem a reliable bridge into the past. However, we have to admit that little indications of change are no proof of constancy and that it is questionable as well to assume no change in time: constancy is as much in need of proof as is change. So far any candidates for an anthropological constant — be it e.

Instead it might already be a great success to demonstrate differences to our own sensorium on basis of a thorough analysis of media, artefacts, rituals etc. Finally, it is an unresolved theoretical mystery by what means innate, general human capacities and perceptions should allow for historicising the experiences and meanings to which they may have related to in a specific cultural context HAMILAKIS et al. KOEPPING who worked out the concept of a psychic unity of mankind more thoroughly and from that time onwards it belonged to the paradigms of German ethnology.

Probably influenced by Bastian, though direct references are missing cf. So the assumption of common functions of the human mind on the one hand was the background for establishing cross-cultural typologies of religions e. But finally it was Franz Boas who deeply anchored the postulate of a psychic unity of humanity to the foundations of American anthropology. Archaeological imaginations of religion 87 This optimistic belief in progress, encapsulated in the evolutionary narrative, heavily suffered from the trenches at Verdun only a few years later and finally died in the gas chambers of Auschwitz and the colonial wars of the s and s cf.

THOMAS 15 , leaving obsolete progressive steps of cultures to correspond to specific types of religion — especially as simultaneously diffusionist ideas gained ground on theories of unilinear development SHARPE ; cf. From onwards Hodder abandoned this position68 cf.

About the same time, however, E. But to leave aside linguistic counter-arguments 1 with the rise of theories of embodiment it becomes doubtful whether linguistic analysis only is a sufficient means to draw general conclusions on the workings of the human mind. While psychologists are still hopeful to extract at least some sort of psychic universals from a huge enough bulk of cross-cultural data MARKUS et al.

Later on it entered a number of disciplinary theories, especially around the turn of the 19th to 20th century. In arts empathy was discussed to be the basis of aesthetics, it was influential in the psychoanalysis of Siegmund Freud and especially in the concepts of his student Theodor Lipps LIPPS Around the same time we have already mentioned Rudolf Otto regarding empathy to be the central condition of any Religionswissenschaft cf.

Ultimately, we should get beyond the bonds of our time and move on to the distant presence of the people of the past experiencing their lives. This approach is a special version of the previously discussed assumption of a psychic unity of mankind. This deduction is but based on the assumption that such basic emotions are primarily physiological e. Dismissing emotions as a transtemporal commonality might mislead one to the conclusion to completely dismiss emotions from the objects of research of archaeology — being hard enough to discover anyways for archaeological ways to consider emotions in the record cf.

While David Whitley WHITLEY 13 observes that empathy may be rejected as an academic method for the reason that emotions are in diametric opposition to science — in the case that archaeology claims to be scientific — with the help of neuroscience he argues that both empathy and reason have to work together to adequately interact with the world WHITLEY 13— But Renfrew significantly misunderstands Otto in this point: while Otto demands religious experience — true empathy — on behalf of the researcher to comprehend the object of his research, Renfrew is aware that religious experience on the object level is not approachable by the researcher.

Instead he suggests to take seriously that such an experience existed and was motivation to prehistoric man cf. But the necessity of interaction of emotion and reason in a total encounter with the world cannot account for using empathy or any kind of emotion as an academic tool cf. The unquestioned emotional motivation of the believer and the analytical tools of archaeology cannot be congruent for methodological reasons and have not to be for epistemological reasons cf. To Eliade — as demonstrated above in more detail cf. Built on an extrasomatic constant hierophany and an anthropological constant homo religiosus this concept provides a well- founded bridge to the past which is uneroded by time, space and culture.

If such a universal core was known already, on the one hand it would not be necessary to reveal it again and again in some distant past. Archaeology of religion would be redundant — the essence already being known — and at the same time would scarcely benefit from such knowledge. Archaeological imaginations of religion 93 considered as text. At least an indexical relation is not as arbitrary as it is the case with purely conventional symbolic signs and thus leaves some chance to archaeologists to infer on the proper relation between the signifier and the signified.

However, an indexical association is a very basic constant at its best as it cannot be determined a priori, because mostly there are a number of possibilities of association. It would be highly tentative to sketch a structured outline of such ongoing trends as they continue to develop and change at this very moment. However — at least in our perception — they have recently gained new quality and impetus. What we can do here is to highlight a selection of these trends, which are addressed by the papers of this volume and which seem especially interesting to us from a theoretical and conceptional point of view.

Certainly this collection is very far from conclusive as e. In accord with the theoretical focus of this paper we also do not go into details about any reconstruction of a specific religious system. Finally we resist commenting in length on the archaeology of religion and landscape cf. In her case study Katja Hrobat Virloget demonstrates how the space of a local community is structured and places are filled with meaning via oral traditions and rituals.

The aspects we address on the following pages are arranged in chapters merely for the convenience of presentation since the aspects interact and mingle frequently. For this reason many definitions are regarded to be inappropriate as they block a more holistic perspective. While this criticism is a general and sometimes worthwhile trend in humanities, for the purpose of this paper we focus on discussions with special relevance to studies and archaeologies of religions. Among these empiricism and the duality of the Descartian subject — object-concept seem to be most crucial ones cf.

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Ist auch das ein Thema, das nur von einer inneren oder psychologischen Sicht verstanden werden kann, im Sinne der menschlichen Bewusstseinserweiterung oder einer Erweiterung unseres kollektiven Bewusstseins? Wenn man innerlich jemanden beobachtet, der unter Stress und Depressionen leidet, die Bewegung innerhalb dieser Person geht immer in die entgegengesetzte Tendenz derer, die mehr Sicherheit im Besitz sucht, ob in materieller oder psychologischer Hinsicht. Jedoch kann es keine wahre Freude in einer dysfunktionalen Gesellschaft geben, die so ungleich und ungerecht ist, so verwirrend und verdorben von ignoranter Politik.

Bedeutet dies, dass eine einfachere und freudvollere Art des Lebens innerhalb der vorherrschenden Wohlstandsgesellschaft nur durch die Umsetzung von Artikel 25 kommen kann, da Sie dieses Thema schon in ihrem Buch vorstellten, aber auf keine Details eingingen? Was ist letztendlich die grundlegende Ursache des Klimawandels, wenn nicht der Missbrauch? Jahrhunderts in Betracht zog?

Seit Tausenden von Jahren haben uns viele weise Lehrer und prophetische Denker dazu innig aufgefordert, unsere Aufmerksamkeit nach innen zu richten und die Notwendigkeit der Wandlung wahrzunehmen. Trotz allem sind wir an den einfachsten Lehren gescheitert, beispielsweise einander nett und liebevoll zu behandeln und die Produkte der Erde ohne Eigennutz, Wettbewerb oder Gier zu teilen. Wie einfach kann es sein? Alle alten Ismen brechen zusammen oder sind kristallisiert, ebenso wie alle alten Formen unserer wirtschaftlichen und politischen Systeme langsam schmelzen oder zerbrechen.

Es gibt allen Grund zur Hoffnung. Denn das Leben ist Eins, und der Mensch ist das Leben selbst; es gibt nichts mehr zu sagen. Photo credit: optimarc , Shutterstock. Skip to main content. Search form.

Have an Access Token? Enter your access token to activate and access content online. Please login and go to your personal user account to enter your access token. Have Institutional Access? Forgot your password? PDF Preview. Table of Contents. Related Content. Author: Julio Trebolle Barrera. This wide-ranging handbook presents an overview of our current knowledge on the history of the Bible.