La reputación de una dama (Harlequin Internacional) (Spanish Edition)

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It was a tough study but someone had to do it. Nicol International bestselling author Nicola Cornick writes romantic historical mysteries and witty and passionate Regency romance. Nicola lives near Oxford and loves reading, writing, history, music, wildlife, travel and walking her dog. She also loves hearing from her readers and chatting to them on her blog at www.

Other books in the series.

Spanish to English lexicon collected from Freedict

Tallants 3 books. Components and directions define thematic categories. The enumeration of the elements in each category should in principle describe the intensity of the attitude according to this or that component and in this or that direction. Nonetheless, other reservations remain: We note, moreover, that the conception of literature underlying such approaches makes a historical document of the fictional text: Such a study seems to us incontestably rich for the understanding of our own period, for it analyzes the intellectual and psychological nourishment of a whole sector of the population.

In everything, or almost everything, I have written, I have been guided by the need to gather ideas that express themselves in connection with one another. But each idea set forth in words taken separately loses its meaning; it is dreadfully degraded when it is taken in isolation and outside the sequence in which it appears. The thematic method, as we have already said, goes through the linguistic structure of the text, its own materiality, constituted of selected words and combinations, thereby neglecting the syntactical structure of the text, its specific lexicon, and the semantic network that ties all the words together.

In the same way, the very level of discourse itself, its structure, its strategy of argumentation, its rhetoric, the mechanisms of enunciation by which the speaker participates in discourse — all are eluded. In short, texts are used only for their content, with the initial and implicit axiom that the content is univocal, rendered in its plenitude by the mere act of reading. Undoubtedly there exists a specificity of the fictional text, but it is really a question of distinguishing the specificity of one discursive practice from the other discursive practices operating within the framework of a given society: Is it right to pile up these objections, and in doing so, are we not passing over in silence a number of established facts?

The preceding approaches do have certain merits: By broadening the scope of our studies, they can give the impression of clearing away certain barriers and enlarging the scope of literature, thus playing a liberating role. The problem seems to me to be epistemological. Experimental sociology Escarpit, Bordeaux and empirical sociology Silbermann , as well as North American content analysis, are interested in the sociological phenomena represented by literary phenomena and not in literature in itself, which explains why they do not take into consideration the specificity of the fictional text.

Is this confusion maintained by an absence of tradition, which, according to A. Memmi, characterizes the present state of the sociology of literature? If so, one needs to make some distinctions. However this may be, the reader will understand, at the conclusion of this rapid survey, the need for propounding a theory based on the prior definition of a specific object of study different from the one that the sociology of literature has considered thus far.

This implies the establishment of a new discipline and, to avoid any confusion, the creation of a new terminology. One must henceforth distinguish individual behaviors libido from transindividual behaviors collective or plural. When John and Peter lift a heavy object there are neither two actions nor two autonomous consciousnesses for which each partner would perform the function, respectively, of object for the other, but one single action whose subject is John and Peter.

The consciousness of each one of these two persons is understandable only with respect to this transindividual subject. This perspective leads Goldmann to distinguish three levels of consciousness: The nonconscious is a creation of transindividual subjects, and on the psychic level, it has a status analogous to that of the nervous and muscular structures on the physiological level.

It is distinctly different from the Freudian unconscious l'inconscient in that it is not repressed and need not overcome any resistance in order to become conscious but has only to be brought to light by scientific analysis. This is the case of the great creative minds. Between these two extremes are ordinary people — myself, you, all the others. It can be defined as the totality of aspirations, feelings, and ideas that unites the members of a group and opposes them to other groups. The world vision of a collective subject is an abstraction. To the extent that they succeed in expressing it on the conceptual or imaginative level, they are philosophers or writers, and their work is all the more important as it comes close to the schematic coherence of a world vision, that is to say, to the maximum potential consciousness of the social group they express.

Possible conciousness is in turn an abstraction that defines, on the basis of definite historical circumstances, what ought to be the consciousness of a social group involved in these circumstances. This hypothesis presupposes that awareness varies from one individual to another and that only exceptional individuals great artists, in particular are capable of giving coherent expression to the collective consciousness of their group.

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World vision, when it is embodied in a literary structure, would somehow reveal the totality — unachieved in reality — of the feelings, the aspirations and ideas of the members of a specific class, organized in a coherent and perfectly rational system. In a sense, to study history is first to try to understand the actions of men, their motives, the goals they pursued, the meaning that their behaviors and their actions had for them.

In this sense, Weber's puritanism has been viewed as having no real existence, but rather, as an operative concept uniting the essential, typical features of that religion, while eliminating all the empirical data not essential to the definition of the phenomenon. The notion of ideal type is itself to be related to that of objective possibility, which consists in imagining an academic hypothesis according to which history is reconstructed as a function of the consequences that would have been brought about by a historic event that, in fact, did not occur.

What would Europe have become had Hitler not been defeated? Such, in its essential features, is the contribution of a line of inquiry that its author, just before his death, deemed it useful to pursue and to complete in two directions: Goldmann distinguishes three stages in bourgeois philosophical thought: Indeed, it is only in relation to Racine and Pascal that the basic concept of genetic structuralism will be applied, namely, mediatization by a world vision; this concept disappears, in particular, when the analysis of a contemporary novel is taken up: Is the content of a fictional text reducible to a monosemic conceptual discourse?

Is it permissible to attribute a coherent organization to textual structures and to world visions which reorganize in this way the chaos of actual experience? On the second point, it is obvious that he is a prisoner of his own premise, since world vision, the keystone of genetic structuralism, can be defined only within the framework of a rational reconstitution of the data.

Indeed, what separates this concept from the concept of real consciousness is, of course, the way in which the investigator constructs a coherent extrapolation from a specific thought system in order to build the mediating structure. The problem, however, remains intact and deserves our undivided attention. In a first phase of analysis, we shall be careful not to confuse the coherence of a hypothetical vision of the world with the equally hypothetical coherence of the text.

We shall return later to this question; see pp. We shall make the following assumptions: Allowing for these reservations, certain of genetic structuralism's conclusions seem to me incontestable and will form part of my own critical approach. These are the concepts of the transindividual subject and the nonconscious. This last point, however, calls for further precision insofar as it seems to operate for Goldmann only at the level of the implicit values of a literary work. The way the last named become lexicalized actually appears to me to transcribe, in a much more immediately noticeable way, social value systems and the changes that modify them, modes of living and of socioeconomic insertion of the milieus producing them, as well as the evolution of mental structures.

Let us take a few particularly striking examples: Like all social movements, May produced meaning, and it would be interesting to study how the fluctuations of these lexicalizations translated the appropriation by the dominant ideology of values that had been, for a time, contested. Let us take other periods and other structures: Piso principal etymologically, the noble story , just as it contributes to describing a type of architecture, bears witness even today to a specific phase in the history of modern urbanism, and beyond that history, through a chain of cause and effect, to certain upheavals in the socioeconomic structures of the time.

To this first interest one may add that the way in which these expressions are often delexicalized only to be relexicalized in new forms inside a text and this happens under the evident effect of the deep structures of the text makes more apparent the criteria of choice effected by the message on the paradigmatic axes at the time it is instituted.

Then, if one inquires into the deep causes of such a transformation, one can make convergent remarks on a few lines, observing that on the paradigmatic axes examined, the text has used a similar solution over and over again. Consequently, I would readily say that by applying principles of analysis that might be said to belong to a transformational semantics, the fundamental structures of a text may be grasped through the alterations affecting lexicalizations. There exists another category of ready-made expressions, however, those revolving around a pattern that itself includes a variable.

Sociocriticism's interest in the study of these variables originates in the fact that, by means of these variables, different social groups adapt a linguistic schema as a function of the modes of social insertion peculiar to them and thereby confer upon it the status of discourse. One can make the same observations about popular expressions used to describe a person who does not know how to find something perfectly obvious: Thus, mental structures, landscapes, and life-styles are inscribed in the discourse of collective subjects generations, employment and trades, family, social classes, regional collectivities, etc.

It is not a question, however, of our relating directly and systematically these discursive traces to what would be a genetic instance of the text. We shall be content to reconstitute the indexes that will permit us to speak of paths of meaning or ideological traces. We shall allow, as well, that these discursive traces may be spotted in ideological loci or in enunciations that come into contradiction with their point of origin.

They will be considered in relation to the total set of correlations established by writing, as referring, in the same way as the microsemiotics that would be opposable to them, to the complexity of the social formation concerned, by means of ideological formations. This brief introduction explains why genetic structuralism has occupied, and still occupies, such an important place in the sociology of contemporary literature.

Indeed, on two points, it considerably renews the approach to fundamental problems posed by the analysis of the relationships between literary works and society: How can producers of texts grasp a reality external to them, and in which they are, nevertheless, immersed, other than by expressing the immediacy of their own experience or by the roundabout way of reflection and analysis?

Even by assuming the existence of a project in an author who commits himself or herself to describing his or her own identification with a certain social class, and by assuming as well that we accept the posing of the problem in these terms, can we, on this first point, confuse what an individual thinks at a given time with real consciousness of class, which we have every right to consider as the maximal field of a certain level of perception? Lucien Goldmann replies to this question by exchanging the notion of author for that of collective subject, a notion which, in order to be functional, must imply either that the collective consciousness is superior to the individual consciousness — but then how does that collective consciousness function in textual production?

Goldmann's concept of the nonconscious has the merit of covering both of these possibilities, since, in some fashion, relations with the world that are neither perceived nor perceivable at the level of immediate experience are objectivized in it. As Pierre Bourdieu has demonstrated, subjects are not in possession of their behaviors as immediate data of consciousness and … their behaviors always hold more meaning than they know or wish. This second zone of phenomena, which causes the horizon, not of perception but of transcription, to recede — and this is what affects every linguistic practice and every practice of writing — shows that every critical procedure that invokes genetic structuralism, either closely or distantly, cannot allow itself to pose problems of textual analysis in terms of intention or project.

By making semiotic systems — vectors of these objective, nonconscious relations structuring experience — work in writing, the writer le scripteur always says more than he or she understands and more than he or she grasps. Whatever the extent of this double capacity to seize hold of reality, however, this perspective can be partial and distorting only to the degree that it seems to correspond to that of an ideology: It appears with no less clarity that, linked itself to precise social interests, a world vision can be neither objective nor totalizing.

Indeed, Goldmann's new approach eliminates the role of mental structures in favor of the single mediatization represented by the market economy, which involves the fact that social values can henceforth operate only implicitly. It seems to me, however, that he gives importance — and this is his chief merit — to mediations other than that of the Goldmannian world vision, by situating, for example, Jealousy in relation to the history of the colonialist novel — and through it, colonial life and the history of the Third and Fourth Republics — as well as in relation to the myths produced by a bourgeois ideology in the process of disintegration.

We have seen that such a notion involves taking into account value judgments and transcends the question of the scope of social visibility in order to deal with the question of objectivity of vision. It implies, moreover, an attitude toward the world and a point of view, which has the dual disadvantage of attributing too much to the text by assuming it capable of transcribing a global and coherent vision and of reducing the capacity for transcription to a single perspective.

On the contrary, I hypothesize that there is no point of view in a fictional text, in the sense that there is no point from which a more or less broad social vision would develop, but rather a series of focal points constantly constructed and deconstructed by writing. Working, moreover, with preconstructed linguistic material, the fictional text brings into view new relationships to the world — producing meaning — thus doubling the scope of its transcription of society with the creation of a second, no doubt much deeper, broader, more complex field of transcription in which the totality of a social formation is inscribed in its discursive practices and formations.

In like manner, we should not forget that, at a certain level and from a certain point of view, this transcription is, at least in appearance, as chaotic as experience. To speak of autonomy, even in a relative sense, is thus only conceivable if one grants to the cultural object a double value — symbolic and commercial. This duality explains the parallel institution of two fields of production: In spite of their required interrelations, these two domains remain mutually antagonistic.

Bourdieu's analysis is fundamental in more than one respect. First, to the extent that it justifies the hypothesis of the cultural object's release from variations in the infrastructure, a hypothesis on which my own reflection rests, it confirms the pertinence of Adorno's arguments when, in Theory of Aesthetics, he pleads that the specific nature of art must be taken into account: Art is social neither because of its mode of production in which the dialectic of productive forces and of relations of production is concentrated, nor by the social origin of its thematic content.

I shall return to this second point. Basing his arguments on Bourdieu's work, but equally, though to a lesser extent, on Sartre's What Is Literature? Indeed, this position leads him to stress rivalries of schools: We conceive the field of letters as a theater of bitter struggle among writers and groups of writers desiring to assert their authority and become the representatives of literary legitimacy.

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These struggles are expressed in a well-known historical form, the competition among schools or movements. This rivalry generally occurs in two directions: Thus we see that the reproduction of the established system is ensured by the rivalry of schools and by their succession. Such a skewing appears quite clearly, moreover, when he puts his principles to the test by applying them to three examples: The degree of autonomy of a field of limited production is gauged by its power … to retranslate and reinterpret all external determinations in conformity with its own principles: As useful as it is, does Bourdieu's thesis not need to be reformulated?

The notion of autonomy, or autonomization, is indeed a factor of ambiguity. Would it not be preferable to state precisely that the sphere of limited production, if it is not independent of economic laws — and how could it be? In this sense, the representation of this social practice, the practice of literature, manifestly becomes an ideological effect.

Doubtless the argument employed is seductive: This is why I wish to extend Bourdieu's ideas in another way. Indeed, it seems to me to reduce considerably the interest of the distinctions between the two fields of production Bourdieu introduces, to propose the refinement of technique as the unique consequence of the process studied.

We understand, therefore, more clearly that what separates these two fields from each other is the specificity of their respective discourse, more than any possible thematic variations, which is tantamount to supposing that, in passing from one to the other, the sign changes status. Each of these two spheres of production thus gives a particular stamp to the utterance expressed in it.

In this sense we can speak of each of these codes of communication as distinct, secondary modeling systems. It is a locus of autonomy but also of dependency, as we shall see. But in shifting the problematic, formulated first by Bourdieu and then by Dubois, away from the writer and the institution of literature and back toward writing and consequently to a social practice, we are not quarreling over terminology. Such a displacement also permits us to establish particularly enlightening relationships among a number of other contemporary studies in neighboring fields.

Reformulated in this way, the theory of the double sphere of cultural production provides a rational and convincing basis for the hypothesis I am proposing, after Zima and Adorno among others, concerning the specificity of the fictional text. It is, however, quite another aspect of the problem that interests Etienne Balibar and Pierre Macherey when they define literature as an ideological form actualized through certain Ideological State Apparatuses in the form of well-defined practices.

With respect to these conflicts, it is not secondary, but always constitutive, implied in their production. The function of literature would consist, then, in giving to a class domination the image of a unitary, universal form. Etienne Balibar and Pierre Macherey deduce consequences from these givens which might seem irrelevent to our present purpose, but which we shall briefly call to mind, for we shall have occasion to come back to them, either explicitly or as background to our own reflections: Is it excessive, in these circumstances, to speak of a new ideological form whose emergence is connected to the whole set of changes affecting other forms of the superstructure?

The preceding remarks will be useful in our investigation of the deconstruction of earlier forms. We have seen, indeed, that the definition of literature as ideological practice is, in contemporary France, grounded in the fact that it is joined to a dominant Ideological State Apparatus that determines the specificity of its discourse. The power of the State, according to classic Marxist analyses, is composed of various bodies and authorities: They do not spread the dominant ideology without difficulty and must be conceived as relatively autonomous with respect to the power of the State, as the loci of contradictions which run through the whole social formation.

Volvelle26 concerning poverty and death bear witness to a tendency toward dechristianization. The State has not changed its nature, and, seeking readjustments in order to erase this dislocation, is caught between multiple contradictions which accelerate or block the readjustment mechanisms required by this upheaval of the dominant ISA. Undoubtedly, this very dependency also explains why certain Apparatuses that are separate today were perhaps not so distinctly differentiated in earlier social formations.

Such may be the case of the Church and the University, at least as far as Spain of the Golden Age is concerned, a social formation dominated by the feudal mode of production. It is an obvious fact, though all too often forgotten, that the literature of the period, considered as an ideological practice, was linked to the dominant ISA, through the various institutions that the State controlled Church, School.

Class contradictions require that a State power represent the fundamental interests of the dominant class in the sense in which classical Marxism asserts that the State is like a digest of economic life, the unity of the social formation. This language of the universal is diffused by the ISA, and in particular the dominant ISA of a social formation, which are the means by which classes represent for themselves their interrelationships in ideology.

The characters with whom the reader is supposed to identify, must they not be obliged, in theory, to live, act, love, talk, or make us laugh in ways consistent with their condition? This ideological practice serves as a model of the very forms and structures of literary discourse: Would it not be more precise to consider the various examples I have just mentioned didacticism, glorification of Poetry and the Universal, ascendancy of decoro, the play of identification and distancing in picaresque writing as so many traces by which literature, as ideological form and practice, marks in both multiple and convergent ways the messages it proposes and imposes upon the subject-support?

Indeed, it would seem that in every case these elements, which I shall term vectors of writing, are part of a system that constructs a level of generalization capable of erasing spaces in the text where contradictory ideological traces are confronted. Consequently, we can already distinguish these traces from the totality of textual phenomena through which literature impresses upon the text the constraints of a specific ideological practice, and which show that it is establishing itself as a secondary modeling system.

The same is true if, for the same period, we consider that other stage of the ISA, the school system. This determinant in our modern societies is, no doubt, a central fact. This dependency remains clearly discernible in texts of the Spanish Golden Age, even if the modalities of this determination overlap the effects of religious dependency too closely for them to appear clearly in their own right.

Spanish to English lexicon collected from Freedict | • The Vore

A text's first readers comment upon it starting from the same criteria; translators bring to view the ideological matrix of the new and brilliant exercise submitted to them, either by marginal annotations in which they recognize the exercises in question, or else by restoring to Latin literature the original expression which was diluted in its Spanish version. Certainly, it is as difficult to take the measure of this fictitiousness of discourse, of this gap that separates it from daily speech, as it is to evaluate the elements composing its specificity.

She had a plastic head but her body was soft. It only had a little bit of water but it was so cool! Also hide and seek outside, between the parked cars and the yards. Nowadays all the houses have antitheft window bars and security fences and the and the street is awful! There was this song in Recife, which was sung by a carnival group called the female bear group.

They used to Knock on doors, asking for money. I really enjoyed the smell! It could be hit between two teams, like volleyball, or in a circle. As part of the Saint John and Saint Peter traditions we lit a fire in front of our house, and we stayed around it telling stories, playing and eating baked sweet potato, coconut candy and Brazilian cornmeal cake.

There were paper dolls, rag dolls, plastic dolls and Barbies. This was great, because it followed the June Festival, another amazing time for those who love to eat! It all started with a visit to the Artesanato craft museum of Recife, a new building in the city centre, whose contents left us curious to learn more about the culture that produced items such as pottery, sculptures, paintings and other objects which seemed exotic, even to us Brazilians.

After a few minutes flicking through it we had decided. A few days later we left the chaotic bustle of Recife for an unknown destination… The BR left the city in its wake, the suburbs gradually dissolving into the countryside, with huge fields of sugar cane flowing down the hillsides. The road was still busy — not just with traffic but with the stalls and barrows which lined the route, full of fruit, cheese and other products.

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After an hour we reached our first stop, Bezerros. When we entered the. Borges, a world-famous artist and xylographer woodcut artist , who you can easily find working in his own workshop. We had a simple country lunch of meat, beans and rice and then continued on our way. The city has also a long tradition of pottery, concentrated in the alto de Moura neighborhood.

By simply walking along the narrow streets you can come across local pottery makers in their front-room. Most of these artists were taught by and work in the style of Mestre Vitalino, a renowned local artist, who died some years ago. When we went back to our van we noticed a little stall nearby. A woman and her young daughters were selling exotic fruits such as pinha, saputi and jaca - three of my favourites. Their goat, tied to a stake in the ground, grazed nearby.

They were having such a great time together that we decided to stay there for a while, and chat with both the woman - and the goat! It was a very moving and After a while, we managed to drag ourselves away from our new acquaintances and headed for Belo Jardim, another village with an.

It was a cute little building, containing plenty of really crazy, imaginative pieces made by local artisans and artists. There were also some really wonderful pots, sculptures, and furniture, mixing traditional and contemporary styles and in which details and finishes stood out. Most of them came from a small rural community which specialises in making pottery with clay from the immediate sorroundings, so we thought it would be great to meet them. In a few minutes we were in the middle of nowhere, looking for their village. Valentina, as always, was our ambassador of goodwill.

She immediately ran to meet some little girls who were playing next to some adobe houses. They explained the detailed manufacturing process of their work and what inspired them, while the girls ran wildly around, squealing and screaming with delight, surrounded by hens and pigs which were adding to the cacophony. It was fantastic! The simple way of life and the kindness of these people really touched our hearts. Of course, we took away with us some of their marvellous work. As night fell, we said goodbye, promising to return some day to the village to learn more about their lives and work.

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We stopped there to taste and buy. The tasting was amazing but the buying was so difficult - everything was delicious - and so cheap. We marvelled at the majestic rock formations which seemed to be in the form of gigantic animals. As vultures soared high overhead, we listened to ancient stories from an indian guide belonging to one of the local tribes. Valentina was entranced by the experience and even insisted on bringing home as a souvenir some sun-bleached cow bones she discovered.

At one point, we reached a huge rock where our guide showed us some cave paintings which were more than years old. They were so beautiful and simple: they had remained there over the millenia, looked after by local people and the vultures. We made it back to our car and drove back to civilisation. As we drove through that dry landscape, where the colours changed in a minute, where the houses were made of adobe, where the donkeys transported water tanks door to door, I realised how far we were from the world we knew and how deep we had dived, little by little, during this journey.

The last stop of the journey was for a dinner at Restaurante Belo Jardim, a simple place where they served delicious local food - just what we needed to finish off our adventure. As the sun set, we began our journey home. My wife and daughter slept as I drove, my mind full of inspiration and enchanting memories. Take a look at these brands that represent the best design from Spain. This organisation puts its worldwide network of offices at the service of companies that are trying to expand their business abroad. Occasionally, it provides funds, advice and assessment as well.

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Many companies unite forces with these institutions such as ICEX or ASEPRI in order to conquer new markets but many others launch themselves on their own to this international adventure. One of the leading Spanish clothing exporters is Boboli, a Catalan company which sells its clothes in more than 1. Its success, is not only a matter of excellent management, but also because of its variety of colourful designs, which are versatile and perfect for everyday outfits.

Exports have increased considerably in recent years and have actually doubled since , so that means that companies are investing in selling abroad. Its very first collection is already being sold in 34 shops in 12 different countries and next winter, this will be expanding to 66 points of sale in 19 countries. To do this, the owners of the company confess that they take part in a lot of international fairs where they promote the added value of their clothes.

According to industry data, so far this year, more than a hundred firms have participated in international fairs. One of the brands that has taken advantage of these international events is Perfect Days, a lovely label from Madrid. There she had the chance to meet new retailers and soon her made-in-Spain clothes will be in shops in Tokyo and Abu Dhabi.

The choice of materials and the care in terms of the images printed on them are essential for this young Catalan brand. Another successful exporter is Bobo Choses , which is particularly successful in Scandinavia. Their sales team travel from one fair to another to promote the brand, which also sells well in South Korea, Japan and Australia. In their case, as with many other companies, the internet and social networking sites are also used to introduce the brand to new customers.

Little Creative Factory, a company whose products are totally designed and produced in Barcelona, is another label with a huge number of retailers all over the world. The company manufactures its clothes in El Maresme, an area close to Barcelona, and uses only natural fibres, which is something its customers in Russia and Belgium in particular, adore.

Despite its italian name, the label Violeta e Federico is Catalan and based in Barcelona. Its workshop there produces all of its collections with fabrics from Spain and other European countries. Half of its clothing is exported and customizes some of its clothes in order to satisfy foreign buyers. It organises courses on digital marketing and international business for those companies who are trying to introduce themselves to foreign markets as well as helping them find local partners or legal support.

A great example of international success is Andalusian label, Mayoral, a giant which sells in more than 60 countries. What is particularly impressive is that the company has 12 international affiliates, one of them in Shangai. It also has boutiques, on their own or franchised, in countries such as China, United Arab Emirates or Russia — markets which have the reputation of being difficult to break into. But, what other names complete this list of best-sellers? This brand loves to surprise its customers and to learn from them too.

The creativity of the brand lies basically in the design of each of its garments, that transforms it into something totally new. In the past few months, the number of its points of sale in China has reached Japan, Indonesia and Taipei are next on its list. However, Tuc Tuc has not forgotten about the Latin American market and has opened a branch in Mexico, with plans to build a flagship store there soon.

As we can see, selling abroad is extremely important for Spanish companies and brings great rewards. As can be seen, it is not all about the money, it is also about name and reputation. Spanish companies, not only those who are related to fashion, are perceived abroad as serious businesses and they are excellent when it comes to negotiating with Asia and the Middle Eastern countries, say international experts. They produce all of their collection in Barcelona and tell us that their designs are perfect for kids from 0 to 99 years.

The accolades received by some Spanish brands are a sign of this unanimous recognition. Curiously, one of the main competitors for Spanish brands is also one of their main buyers. Portugal, France, the United Kingdom complete the list. Russia and Mexico are also two important buyers. South America, however, is a territory which is yet to be conquered by Spanish brands, with nations such as Paraguay, Chile or Peru.

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Luckily, we are advanced pupils in subjects such as design, quality and innovation. BUHO Chiiled-out bohemian fashion for kids from 3 months to 12 years. These clothes, with simple lines and neat details, combine fabrics and washing techniques for a soft finish and vintage effect.

The company motto? Let kids be kids! BOBOLI The company offers multiple ranges of clothes with a common link: color, surprising patterns and and innovative fabric treatment. With 30 years of experience, Boboli is one of the big names of the business. The idea was born in The usual low budget of those spaces, the activities and the needs of the art community in general are not compatible with the presence of a baby.

The installations are often too unstable, the materials too toxic or the air too smoky. It was so important that the timeframe of the activities, the work and the decisions always considered the children. In , and with another partner, we started the idea of adapting our own art space and finding people with the same needs to work with. The Aviatrix project comes from this attempt to create a collective and independent place where artists could work in the presence of children. It meant lots of risk, but at the same time lots of freedom. Unfortunately, due to some disagreements, I decided to close that particular project and founded another one with artists who were really committed to the initial concept.

New collaborators and some of the artists from the old project joined us, and now there are ten artists working in three rooms. We are an international team France, USA, Brazil -where I was born-, Italy, Bulgaria, Berlin , and we love museums as much as we love street life - all those aspects can be seen in our space, products and activities. The main aim was always art, but the children could take part in its creation in a natural way, interacting with the work of the artists while the artists would, in turn, be inspired by their prescence.

We were keen that all the activities in the space did not necessarily need. It worked so well and so quickly , that we soon rented all the spaces available, we had articles in the media, we were invited to collaborate with other organisations that were working in a similar way, and we had very good feedback from other artists and the public in general.

The Aviatrix is located just a few metres from what used to be Tempelhof airport and is now a huge park. Because of this location, the flying concept was always in our mind. When we started our research, we found out that in the past, lots of amazing women all around the world, challenged the norms of their societies by learning to fly - a traditionally male activity.

We also found out that these women were usually involved in political and artistic movements. This was so inspiring, we decided to use the first word used to name them, the latin word , Aviatrix - such a beautiful, oldschool futuristic name. In the Aviatrix, we create but we also showcase our work and organise exhibitions.

This programme is called Vin Fiz. Using exactly the same structure as we use for the professional artists in this programme, we have developed another one, called Piper, consisting of exhibitions made by children or curated by them. Once a week for two hours, our artists or guests discuss their ideas with small children. It takes place in a mezzanine room, which is designed to resemble a tree house. We want contact with the public, we want to interact with them, to learn… and we want to offer them some more services, too.

The Boutique is the place where we showcase our own work and also sell design and art pieces from all over the world, which we love and find inspiring, and hope our customers do too. Berlin is the only big city in Europe where this type of project could happen as an independent initiative. The quality of life and the freedom that people living in Berlin enjoy is something unique.

My husband is from Bulgaria but we met in Berlin through mutual friends. He came here 15 years ago to study Economics and I came because I was in love with Berlin and tired of Barcelona, 5 years ago. Now, we have a daughter who has just turned 4 years old. Little by little empty shops were rented, and artists, students, restaurants and bars, started to move in.

Come fly with us! Our favorites among the exhibitors at the fair? What about shoes? Pitti means italian luxury as well, like Missoni or Fendi. It was a place for exchanging experiences, with inspiring speeches by experts and bloggers. This year, the number of visitors reached a record level: visitors! From France to Spain and then to Indonesia and Australia. At the end of her journey, Grethel Signamarcheix found a new life and embarked on a new career. After finishing my studies in Paris, where I had also been working for a while, I decided to move to Barcelona, with just my backpack. But that was one of the best moments of my life, because everything seemed possible, new, beautiful….

I stayed in Barcelona for almost five years, working as a stylist for Nobodinoz and Naif Magazine, meeting really special people and leading a perfect life. But after some time, I began to get tired of the same old routine and wanted to once again experience the magic of discovering a new place. So, I decided to do it again. Leaving my job was a difficult decision, but my desire to discover the world was much stronger.

I packed my rucksack and bought a one-way plane ticket. I remember so clearly that moment at the airport, that sensation that anything could happen. But I was eager to discover more of Asia. And so I returned, visiting Cambodia, Thailand and Singapore. Everything was so different but so beautiful. After this year of adventures, I was missing only one thing: the creative work I love so much. As the daughter of a painter, I grew up in an artistic environment and it was this that I needed to experience again.

I got in touch with Valerie Bakker, who I had met the year before in Bali. She offered me a job working with her. It was a dream come true: to travel, to live in this country I loved so much and to work for a company I really loved. How could I refuse? Working with Indonesians is such an interesting experience. Needless to say, this can be a bad thing as well as good! First stop Jakarta. I headed straight from this bustling city on a trek across the island of Java. I went from volcano to volcano, marvelling at every single temple I saw. Everything was so different there: people, smells, flavours, beliefs, scenery.

You learn lots of ancient techniques such as making Batik with wax, weaving, printing fabrics and working with bamboo and leather. Everything that is made is by hand, unique, and with so much care and attention. After a month travelling through Indonesia Java, Bali, Lombok, Gili I decided to go to Australia and then spent 8 months travelling in a van round the Western part of the country.

This was the aim of this year: to see as much as possible and to learn to live with less. However, working in such a traditional way has its downsides. Bad weather in the wet season can slow down the production of prints which are dried outside or there could be a powercut. Something else which can get in the way are religious holidays — there are so many in the Hindu religion that you need to plan carefully to avoid possible delays in production. What I love so much about Bali is the mix of religions. This mixture, the ceremonies, the food, the architecture; the culture here is so different to Europe and so rich.

I have such a perfect life. In the evening, I go to my Indonesian language class or go surfing at sunset while Valerie prefers to practice yoga. Also, there are lots of concerts - so much to fill your life with. My routine here is very simple. I wake up early, at sunrise, because here we live much more in tune with nature. Then I ride my scooter to the factory. There, I check the patterns and the samples and take care of production issues that have arisen.

I have meetings with Valerie to discuss new collections, company strategies, our online shop, or to look for new fabrics and suppliers. I often visit small villages around Bali, sourcing, negotiating prices and checking out materials and workshops. I love clothes which are non-conformist, which tell a story and which have a touch of something from here and a hint of something from over there. What is a Kudu? Antonio Caballero, Casualplay Project Manager, describes one of the most interesting strollers on the market. It is inspired by nature, so it moves gracefully through the urban jungle.

Give me a noun that defines the Kudu stroller. Innovation Now, an adjective. Would that be fine? Say an adverb. What does the Kudu have that make it so unique? This stroller has its own style. Kudu is the local name for a type of antelope of the savannah.