Closing the scars (German Edition)

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The incision does not distort the belly button and heals faster than the traditional vertical incision. Although Pfannenstiel means "panhandle" in German , the name of the Pfannenstiel incision does not derive from the incision's shape or location. It derives instead from the surname of Hermann Johannes Pfannenstiel — , a German gynecologist who invented the technique, in In the United Kingdom , the incision was popularised by Dr.

Monroe Kerr , who first used it in , so in English speaking countries it is sometimes called the Kerr incision or the Pfannenstiel—Kerr incision. Kerr published the results in , proposing that this method would cause less damage to the vascularized areas of uterus than the classical operation. He claimed that it was better than the longitudinal uterine incision in terms of chances for scar rupture and injury to vessels. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Journal of Prenatal Medicine. Williams Gynecology, Second Edition. McGraw Hill Professional.

Smith; Bruce H. Ziran; Steven J Morgan 12 June Fractures of the Pelvis and Acetabulum.

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CRC Press. The gap between the unemployment rates in north and south, for instance, will soon be wider than that between east and west see chart 2. To visit Dresden and Bremen, both cities of about half a million, is to witness this blurring. Dresden has cleaner and less potholed roads, and better-kept social housing. Its unemployment, poverty and indebtedness rates are lower and its house prices higher.

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Yet it is in the formerly communist east; Bremen in the former west. It was not always thus. For much of the 20th century the north, with its coal, steel and shipping industries, was wealthier.

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Even in Bavaria was the poorest part of West Germany. Like its neighbours, it lacked natural resources and had to find work for millions of Germans who had fled central Europe from and settled in rural areas. So successive governments limited bureaucracy and offered incentives for investment not just in big cities but also in smaller-scale production in towns and villages. This suited economic traditions: the hilly south had generally been farmed in small patches by self-sufficient families, while the flatter north lent itself to larger, more class-stratified agri-businesses.

Bruno Hildenbrand, a sociologist, even suggests that the relative autonomy of the southern farming families gave the region a more entrepreneurial and pragmatic mentality. Southern parts of the former east have similarly combined luck and skill.

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More urban than the rest and bestriding major transport routes, Saxony and Thuringia had pre-communist industrial traditions—trade fairs in Leipzig, optical technology in Jena, aviation in Dresden—that could succeed in reunified Germany. When Germany goes to the polls on September 24th, the political contours of the divide will be on display.

Notably, the chancellor launched her campaign in post-industrial Dortmund, in the north-western Ruhr Valley. North and south are not yet distinct political blocs.


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But it is possible to imagine this changing with time. Gigantic transfers of western cash have helped close the east-west divide, while transfers from south to north are politically trickier. Under the constitution, the federal government is not generally permitted to interfere in education, making it harder to direct remedial funds to the overwhelmingly northern states where schools are struggling. As Marcel Fratzscher of the DIW notes, such a rift would contravene the constitution, which guarantees equal opportunities for all Germans.

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