Nikita: Die neue Heimat (German Edition)

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Purchase Instant Access. View Preview. Learn more Check out. Volume 37 , Issue 3 April Pages Related Information. Close Figure Viewer. Browse All Figures Return to Figure. Germans expelled non-Germans from the Sudetenland. Germans murdered both Jews and educated Poles in September and later; Poles murdered a number of German minority activists and people accused of terrorism.

Some held important positions in the hierarchy of the Nazi administration, and some participated in Nazi atrocities , causing resentment towards German-speakers in general, which would later be used by the Allied politicians as one of the justifications for their expulsion. The expulsion policy was part of a geopolitical and ethnic reconfiguration of postwar Europe and, in part, retribution for Nazi Germany's initiation of the war and subsequent atrocities and ethnic cleansing in Nazi-occupied Europe.

Dead German civilians in Nemmersdorf , East Prussia. News of Soviet atrocities , spread and exaggerated by Nazi propaganda, fuelled the spontaneous flight of the German population. Late in the war, as the Red Army advanced westward, many Germans were apprehensive about the impending Soviet occupation.

Plans to evacuate the ethnic German population westwards further into Germany, from Eastern Europe and the eastern territories of Germany, were prepared by various Nazi authorities towards the end of the war. In most cases, however, implementation was delayed until Soviet and Allied forces had defeated the German forces and advanced into the areas to be evacuated. The abandonment of millions of ethnic Germans in these vulnerable areas until combat conditions overwhelmed them can be attributed directly to the measures taken by the Nazis against anyone even suspected of 'defeatist' attitudes as evacuation was considered and the fanaticism of many Nazi functionaries in their execution of Hitler's 'no retreat' orders.

The first mass exodus of German civilians from the eastern territories was composed of both spontaneous flight and organised evacuation, starting in the summer of and continuing through the early spring of Between 6 [19] and 8. Before 1 June , some , people crossed back over the Oder and Neisse rivers eastward, before Soviet and Polish communist authorities closed the river crossings; another , entered Silesia from Czechoslovakia.

From the Baltic coast , many soldiers and civilians were evacuated by ship in the course of Operation Hannibal. The evacuation focused on women, the elderly and children—a third of whom under the age of fifteen. Refugee camp in Aabenraa Apenrade in Denmark, February In , 13, German refugees died, among them some 7, children [24] under five years of age. The last refugees left Denmark on 15 February By this time, all of Eastern and much of Central Europe was under Soviet occupation.

This included most of the historical German settlement areas , as well as the Soviet occupation zone in eastern Germany. The Allies settled on the terms of occupation , the territorial truncation of Germany , and the expulsion of ethnic Germans from post-war Poland , Czechoslovakia and Hungary to the Allied Occupation Zones in the Potsdam Agreement, [32] [33] drafted during the Potsdam Conference between 17 July and 2 August Article XII of the agreement is concerned with the expulsions and reads: The Three Governments, having considered the question in all its aspects, recognize that the transfer to Germany of German populations, or elements thereof, remaining in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, will have to be undertaken.

They agree that any transfers that take place should be effected in an orderly and humane manner. Expulsions that took place before the Allies agreed on the actual terms at Potsdam are referred to as "wild" expulsions German language: Wilde Vertreibungen. They were conducted by military and civilian authorities in Soviet-occupied post-war Poland and Czechoslovakia during the spring and summer of After Potsdam, a series of expulsions of ethnic Germans occurred throughout the Soviet-controlled Eastern European countries.

Of the many post-war forced migrations, the largest was the expulsion of ethnic Germans from Central and Eastern Europe, primarily from the territory of Czechoslovakia which included the historically German-speaking area in the Sudeten mountains along the German-Czech-Polish border Sudetenland , and the territory that became post-war Poland. Poland's post-war borders were shifted west to the Oder-Neisse line , deep into former German territory to within 50 miles of Berlin. Expulsions and resettlements of other ethnicities took place contemporaneously with the expulsion of the Germans.

During and after the war 2,, Poles fled or were expelled from the eastern Polish regions that were annexed by the USSR, 1,, of these refugees were resettled in the former German territories that were awarded to Poland after the war. In the census the German-speaking population of Czechoslovakia was 3,,, Sources in English dealing with the expulsions put the number of Germans in Czechoslovakia at about 3.

Source: Die deutschen Vertreibungsverluste. Kohlhammer, , pp. The estimated German population of 3,, persons based on the May census and the Bohemia and Moravia wartime ration cards was used by the Statistisches Bundesamt when they estimated expulsion losses of , civilians in Czechoslovakia. Bohmann was a journalist for an ultra-nationalist Sudeten-Deutsch newspaper in post-war West Germany.

These demands were adopted by the Government-in-Exile , which sought the support of the Allies for this proposal, beginning in According to the West German Schieder commission there were 4. It is estimated that between , and , Germans were affected by "wild" expulsions between May and August Transfer according to the Potsdam agreements proceeded from January to October More than 1 million were expelled to the Soviet zone which later became East Germany. Monument of the expelled Germans in Elek , Hungary.

In contrast to the expulsions from other states, the expulsion of the Germans from Hungary was dictated from outside the nation, [70] and began on 22 December when the Soviet Commander-in-Chief ordered the expulsions. Three percent of the German pre-war population about 20, people had been evacuated by the Volksbund before that. They went to Austria, but many of them returned home in the spring. Overall, some 60, ethnic Germans had fled. In some villages, the entire adult population were taken to labor camps in the Donets Basin.

In , official Hungarian figures showed , German speakers in Hungary, including a remarkable number of Jews of German mother tongue, , of whom had declared German nationality. On 29 December , the postwar Hungarian Government, obeying the directions of the Potsdam Conference agreements, ordered the expulsion of everyone who had declared themselves German in the census, or had been a member of the Volksbund, the SS , or any other armed German organisation.

Accordingly, mass expulsions began. Other research indicates that, between and , , were expelled to western Germany, , to Austria, and none to eastern Germany. Acquisition of land for distribution to Hungarian refugees and nationals was one of the main reasons for the expulsion of the ethnic Germans from Hungary, [75] and the botched organisation of the redistribution led to social tensions. By the end of the expulsions, an estimated , Germans remained in Hungary, [39] Overy states , [67] , but only 22, declared themselves German in the census.

In the West German government estimated, based on a demographic analysis, that by that , Germans remained in Hungary, 60, had been assimilated into the Hungarian population and that there were 57, "unresolved cases" that remained to be clarified. Krallert was a scholar dealing with Balkan affairs since the s when he was a Nazi party member. During the war he was an officer in the SS who was directly implicated in the plundering of cultural artifacts in eastern Europe. After the war he was rehabilated and was chosen to author the sections of the demographic report on the expulsions from Hungary, Romania and Yugoslavia.

The figure 57," unresolved cases" in Hungary is included in the total German expulsion dead of 2 million, which is often cited in historical literature. They were allowed to take just Guilders with them. The remainder of their possessions were seized by the state. In all, about 3, Germans less than 15 percent of the 25, German expatriates in the Netherlands were expelled. The Allied forces occupying the Western zone of Germany opposed this operation, fearing that other nations might follow suit.

The Western zone was not in an economic condition to receive large numbers of expellees at that time. British troops retaliated by evicting , Dutch expatriates in Germany to the Netherlands. The operation ceased in On 26 July , the state of war between the Netherlands and Germany officially ended, and the German expatriates were no longer regarded as enemy aliens.

Throughout until May , as the Red Army advanced through Eastern Europe and the provinces of eastern Germany some German civilians were killed in the fighting and others were subjected to revenge exacted on ethnic Germans and German nationals. The main causes of death were cold, stress, and bombing. By , 3,, had been transported to Germany, 1,, were naturalized as Polish citizens and , Germans still remained in Poland.


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Roosevelt in of the possibility of Polish reprisals, describing them as "unavoidable" and "an encouragement for all the Germans in Poland to go west, to Germany proper, where they belong" [89] During the military campaign most of the male German population remaining east of the Oder-Neisse were considered potential combatants and held by Soviet military in detention camps subjected to verification by the NKVD. Members of Nazi party organizations and government officials were segregated and sent to the USSR as reparations for forced labor.

During the military campaign in Poland the Soviet Union interned suspected Nazi party members and government officials in camps in the Soviet-occupied areas east of the Oder-Neisse line. Persons held in these short-lived camps east of the line were subsequently transferred to NKVD special camps in the Soviet occupation zone of Germany or to the Soviet Union for forced labor [90] In mid, the eastern territories of pre-war Germany were turned over to the Soviet-controlled Polish military forces.

Early expulsions were undertaken by the Polish communist military authorities [91] even before the Potsdam Conference placed them under temporary Polish administration pending the final Peace Treaty, [92] in an effort to ensure later territorial integration into an ethnically homogeneous Poland [93] as envisioned by the Polish communists: " We must expel all the Germans because countries are built on national lines and not on multinational ones ". About 1. All Germans had their property confiscated and were placed under restrictive jurisdiction.

In mid, 4. By the beginning of , , Germans had already been expelled from there and , had been verified as having Polish nationality. In the February census, 2,, persons were classified as Germans and subject to expulsion and , were subject to verification action, aiming at the establishment of nationality. Besides these large camps, numerous other forced labor, punitive and internment camps, urban ghettos and detention centres, sometimes consisting only of a small cellar, were set up.

Those interned are estimated at —, Germans and the local population, and deaths might range from 15, to 60, persons. They also estimated that more than , persons surviving the Soviet occupation were evacuated to Germany beginning in German civilians were also held as "reparations labor" by the USSR. The attitude of the surviving Polish civilians, many of whom had experienced brutalities and atrocities only surpassed by the German policies against Jews of all nationalities during the Nazi occupation , combined with the fact that the Germans had recently expelled more than a million Poles from territories they annexed during the war, was ambiguous.

In fact, some though not all had uncertain nationality or actually considered themselves to be Germans. Their status as a national minority was accepted in , along with state subsidies, with regard to economic assistance and education. Many committed atrocities, most notably rape and murder, [16] and did not always distinguish between Poles and Germans, mistreating them equally. Richard Overy cites an approximate total of 7. Tomasz Kamusella cites estimates of 7 million expelled during both the "wild" and "legal" expulsions from the recovered territories from to , plus an additional , from areas of pre-war Poland.

The ethnic German population of Romania in was estimated at , Included with those deported to German held territory were , persons who were resettled in German occupied Poland, in they were caught up in the flight and expulsion from Poland. During the war 54, of the male population was conscripted by Nazi Germany, many into the Waffen SS. The roughly , ethnic Germans who remained in Romania were treated as guilty of collaboration with Nazi Germany and were deprived of their civil liberties and property, many were impressed into forced labor and deported from their homes to other regions of Romania.

In Romania began a gradual rehabilitation of the ethnic Germans, they were not expelled and the communist regime gave them status of a national minority, the only country east bloc to do so. During the s many started to leave the country, with over , leaving in alone. By , the number of ethnic Germans was 60, citizens. The Baltic, Bessarabian and ethnic Germans in areas that became Soviet-controlled following the partition of eastern Europe [ where?

Only a few returned to their former homes when Germany invaded the Soviet Union and temporarily gained control of those areas. These returnees were employed by the Nazi occupation forces to establish a link between the German administration and the local population. Those resettled elsewhere shared the fate of the other Germans in their resettlement area. The ethnic German minority in the USSR was considered a security risk by the Soviet government and they were deported during the war in order to prevent their possible collaboration with the Nazi invaders.

By the end of , 1,, Germans had been banished to Central Asia and Siberia. According to data from the Soviet archives by October , , Germans remained alive in the special settlements, [] an additional , Soviet Germans served labor conscripts during World War II. Soviet Germans were not accepted in the regular armed forces but were employed instead as conscript labor.

The labor army members were arranged into worker battalions that followed camp-like regulations and received the GULag rations [] During the Soviets deported to the special settlements , Soviet ethnic Germans who had been resettled by Germany in Poland. Otto Pohl 65, Germans perished in the special settlements, he believes that an additional , unaccounted for persons "probably died in the labor army". The calculations of the West German researcher Gerhard Reichling indicate a total of , Soviet ethnic Germans were deported during the war, he estimated , died in forced labor.

In the Soviets found , of these resettlers in Soviet held territory and returned them to the USSR; 90, became refugees in Germany after the war.

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Those ethnic Germans who remained in Soviet-controlled territory, despite the Nazi-Soviet population transfers , and whose settlement areas had become German-controlled before the Soviet authorities could resettle them, remained where they were until , when the Red Army liberated Soviet territory and the Wehrmacht withdrew westward. Memel was integrated into the Lithuanian Soviet Republic. At the war's end, most surviving Germans were soon expelled. In June , , Germans and 41, Soviet citizens were registered as living in the Kaliningrad Oblast, with an unknown number of unregistered Germans ignored.

However, between June and , roughly half a million Germans were expelled. The last remaining Germans were expelled between November [39] 1, persons and January 7 persons. Between and , some , Soviet citizens settled the oblast.


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All furniture was removed, straw placed on the floor and the expellees housed like animals under military guard, with minimal food and rampant, untreated disease. Families were divided into the unfit women, old, and children and those fit for slave labor. Smaller numbers of ethnic Germans also lived in Ljubljana and in some western villages in the Prekmurje region. In , the total number of ethnic Germans in Slovenia was around 28, around half of them lived in Styria and in Prekmurje, while the other half lived in the Gottschee County and in Ljubljana.

In April , southern Slovenia was occupied by Italian troops. Gottschee Germans were generally unhappy about their forced transfer from their historical home region. One reason was that the agricultural value of their new area of settlement was perceived as much lower than the Gottschee area. As German forces retreated before the Yugoslav Partisans , most ethnic Germans fled with them in fear of reprisals. The Liberation Front of the Slovenian People expelled most of the remainder after it seized complete control in the region in May The government nationalized their property on a "decision on the transition of enemy property into state ownership, on state administration over the property of absent persons, and on sequestration of property forcibly appropriated by occupation authorities" of 21 November by the Presidency of the Anti-Fascist Council for the People's Liberation of Yugoslavia [] [].

After March , ethnic Germans were placed in so-called 'village camps'. West German government figures from put the death toll at , civilians. A total of 48, people had died in the camps; 7, were shot by partisans, and another 1, perished in Soviet labor camps. According to West German figures 82, ethnic Germans remained in Yugoslavia in The population of the Southwest German town of Kehl 12 people , on the right bank of the Rhine opposite Strasbourg, fled and were evacuated in the course of the Battle of France , on 23 November Internment and expulsion of Germans occurred during the war in both the United Kingdom and the United States.

In the US internment program a total of 11, people of German ancestry were interned during the war compared to , interned Japanese-Americans , constituting According to a report by the West German Federal Ministry for Expellees in there were 14,, persons affected by the expulsions, 11,, had fled or were expelled and 2,, still remained in their homelands.

By the sum total of German expellees and their offspring had increased to 14,, persons. During the period of — to 12 million ethnic Germans had fled or were expelled from east-central Europe. From to an additional 1. Between and , at least 12 million had fled or had been expelled and resettled to post-war Germany, most of them Treated separately are refugees and expellees who had neither German citizenship nor German ethnicity but had fled or been expelled from their former domiciles and stranded in West Germany or West Berlin before , amounting to , in , and only less than 3, in They were covered under preferential naturalization rules, distinct from other legal aliens or stateless persons.

In all , were resettled in Eastern Europe , on the post war territory of Poland and 30, in Czechoslovakia. They are considered expellees in the eyes of German law. In , were counted as expellees and by the number increased to , An additional 1,, Germans from East Europe were resettled in Poland and Czechoslovakia during war , including , German nationals living in the pre war German Oder-Neisse region, , ethnic Germans from other Eastern European nations and , ethnic Germans from the Soviet Union. After the war those who returned to post war Germany were considered expellees.


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These numbers subsequently increased, with two million additional expellees counted in West Germany in for a total of 7. According to estimates made in West Germany, in the Soviet zone the number rose to 4. Thus, a total of After the war, the area west of the new eastern border of Germany was crowded with expellees, some of them living in camps, some looking for relatives, some just stranded.

Between Of the expellees initially stranded in East Germany, many migrated to West Germany, making up a disproportionally high number of post-war inner-German East-West migrants close to one million of a three million total between , when the West and East German states were created, and , when the inner-German border was closed.

Ethnic German refugees and expellees of foreign or no citizenship, residing within the German borders as they stood in , were granted German citizenship by the West German constitution Grundgesetz , Art. Expellees arriving later in the Federal Republic of Germany were almost all granted German citizenship as well, but their detailed legal treatment varied, depending on their or their ancestors' citizenship. Aussiedler see above who themselves or whose ancestors had been German citizens before were mostly legally considered as being German citizens, regardless of any other citizenships they may have held.

In addition Reichling estimated military and civilian war dead in the area of the expulsions at 1,,, he did not provide details for this figure. Reichling provided a breakout of the ethnic German population by religion which included German speaking Jews with other religions and beliefs. Reichling did not give a separate total for German Jews included in his figure for "others", nor he did enumerate Jewish dead in his figures of wartime and post war losses. Kurt Horstmann of the Federal Statistical Office of Germany wrote the forward to the study endorsing the work of Reichling.

Reichling was an employee of the Federal Statistical Office who was involved in the study of German expulsion statistics since Reichling defines others as - The term "other" includes other creeds Jewish communities and groups, other peoples and world religions, freethinkers and enlightenment associations and those without a creed or no report of religious belief. Former eastern territories of Germany Based on the May census in the eastern regions of Germany there were according to Nazi antisemitic terminology — Full Jews 27,; one-Half Jewish 6, and one-quarter Jewish 4, Czechoslovakia-The Polish demographer Piotr Eberhardt estimated that there were 75, German speaking Jews in the Czech lands in , he did not give a figure for Slovakia.

Yugoslavia- The Schieder commission report for Yugoslavia put the number of German speaking Jews at 10, in They point out that German historians of the expulsions have hardly covered the fate of the German-speaking Jews in the Holocaust. There were many Jews in Eastern Europe who spoke German as a primary language and identified with the German nationality prior to the war, many others spoke German as a second language. In Czechoslovakia there 46, Jews that identified with the German nationality in Many Jews fled Czechoslovakia in prior to the beginning of the war, most of those who remained perished in the Holocaust.

The Hahns mentioned that many of the Jewish victims in Czechoslovakia have German sounding names. According to the Hahns a wartime estimate by a Nazi researcher put the number of Jews outside of Czech lands at 6. The table summarizes the estimates for ethnic Germans remaining in eastern Europe in The West German government in made an estimate that is often cited in historical literature. Reichling detailed 1,, persons who emigrated from to who were also considered expellees under West German law; Poland: ,; Czechoslovakia: ,; Hungary: 30,; Romania: ,; Yugoslavia 80, and USSR , Estimates of total deaths of German civilians have ranged from , to a maximum of 3.

Although the German government's official estimate of deaths due to the flight and expulsions has stood at 2. The higher figure of 3. Estimates made in West Germany during the Cold War were calculated by balancing pre- and post-expulsion populations or on researches attempting to account for the number of verified deaths. We must not allow this history to be repeated against victims through discrimination, hatred, and violence.

The above version of the lecture is slightly abridged. They can be read online at www. In May he published the monograph Wie es zu Deutschlands Teilung kam. November challenges us to look back over the last hundred years, to when the Weimar Republic was formed; to look at the end of the war, the abdication of the Hohenzollern, the Kiel mutiny when sailors from Kiel and Wilhelmshaven revolted and, on 9 November, marched through the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin and occupied the capital together with striking workers. In just a few days, the old order collapsed.

Nobody wanted the enthusiasm for war that in had captivated a great many people, including artists and intellectuals, to be remembered any more. The Kaiser went into exile, supposedly to do his country one last service. Friedrich Ebert was appointed Reich Chancellor as the leader of the largest parliamentary group, in the vain hope of the remaining aristocratic elite, those around Max von Baden, that he could still allow a loophole for the monarchy. After the armistice on 11 November and the demobilisation of the war-weary troops, the good-naturedness was over.

Even in times of peace and economic rise, a subliminal hatred remained between the forces for restoration, the defenders of a civil, democratic constitution, and the communists who dreamed of a Soviet Germany. It remained a country torn apart, which surrendered the remnants of the Weimar parliamentary democracy to a reign of terror only fifteen years after the war. The legally elected National Socialists suspended the constitution, did away with basic civil rights, and immediately arrested their left-wing political opponents.

With the burning of books on 10 May , the opposing political and intellectual spirit was to be driven out of the nation. For some years now, anyone who comes through the door at the entrance to our building at Pariser Platz is confronted with the names of those members. Reading them simply as a sign of defeat does not do them justice. We cannot dismiss the historical parallels when we draw attention to the threat caused by self-endangerment of freedom. The populist prelude to and consummation of the Brexit movement and the associated rejection of the concept of Europe, which not only encompasses an economic order but also a framework for peace, is leading the continent into a continuous crisis situation.

And in Germany, we are experiencing how right-wing populists look for connections to the arguments and practices of their predecessors in the Weimar Republic — for example in the attention they receive for breaking taboos. The only rhetoric they know is friendor-foe, which does not have to take the complexity of the world into account. Stirring up fear of foreigners becomes open xenophobia. The events in Chemnitz, the marching of right-wing extremists accompanied by officials of a party represented in the Bundestag and concerned citizens, represent a new quality.

The setting up of online denunciation registers designed to publicly attack teachers who admit to being opposed to the AfD is just another small step in the ongoing process of dismantling democracy that is supposed to gradually spread through society. Great attention should therefore be paid to the upcoming European Parliament elections in May At least now the signatories to the declaration, the many lawyers, doctors, psychologists, historians, and other academics, know quite clearly which sticky track they have landed on with their signatures against the refugee policy.

Other AfD officials also strongly support the new media offensive and are crazy for their great inspiration, Bannon. From here, he travels to the politicians of the European right. And he has now taken on Salvini, following his appointment as Italian Minister of the Interior.

Saviano knows the risk he is taking with this feud. Six years ago, I invited him to Berlin to give a talk at the Academy introducing his book about resistance against the Mafia and corruption, and found him to be sharp-minded and clear-headed. He is a political activist in the fight against the most criminal excesses of capitalism and the latest attacks on democracy and civil. The absence of opposition makes it easy for the right to convince large numbers of the uncertain, often economically disadvantaged citizens that the EU and migrants are the source of all evil and fear.

His goal is a new alliance, so the right can form the largest group in the future parliament. Why are you hiding? All you authors, journalists, bloggers, philosophers, actors: today we can no longer allow ourselves to be just that. In these times, everyone who has the opportunity to speak to an audience must see it as their duty to take a stand. Anti-fascist and anti-racist democracy is in serious danger if the government no longer respects the values that are at the heart of the constitution.

Therefore, there are moments when it is no longer enough to assign resistance to your own art. There are only accomplices or rebels. We live in a time in which standards are gradually changing — of how far one can go with misanthropic agitation, with threatening foreigners and dissenters, with the denial of historical guilt.

As writers, filmmakers, musicians, visual artists, theatre people, and representatives of all other sectors of public art, we have a responsibility for the future of our society as a democratically organised community. We shall not leave this to the right-wing populists in view of the one hundred years since the disintegration of the old Europe at the end of the —18 war. He was president of the Academy from to and has been honorary president since For many, colonialism may represent a closed chapter of the past that is merely of academic or art historical significance.

International Law Professor Antony Anghie from the TWAIL group Third World Approaches to International Law not only presented the central role of international law in the processes of colonisation and imperialism, but also analysed the consequences of the differentiation between civilised and uncivilised nations. In addition to this, Anghie reminded the audience that the basic. The extent to which the debate itself hit a nerve with the descendants of perpetrators. In the same article, the German Ambassador to Namibia, Christian Schlaga, expressly distances himself from the event.

It is once again stated therein that the return of looted objects may be ethically necessary but not legally possible. Thus, the guide continues to uphold the principle of inter-temporality. This implies that the historical facts under international law are to be assessed under the laws applicable at the time of their occurrence. However, this principle has long been disregarded for good reason in Germany — in the treatment of National Socialist crimes as well as in cases of human rights violations in the former GDR. Legal rules change as time goes by, but the law of the twenty-first century cannot be introduced back more than years in history.

But the fact that official representatives of present-day Germany, which subscribes to peace, human rights, and international understanding, are not sickened when such arguments are put forward is a dramatic political and legal omission. But that is not all. Because some of the representatives of the Herero and Nama community, who feel excluded from the current official government negotiations between Namibia and Germany, have sought legal recourse, the official representatives of Germany.

Neither German nor international funds have to date been made available for the reappraisal of the colonial crimes. They argue that you cannot negotiate with someone who has filed suit against you. As if this were not commonplace, for example in legal disputes between landlords and tenants or between two companies.

So why not between the victims of human rights violations and the governments responsible? The demand of the Herero and Nama — acknowledgement on the German side that genocide did in fact take place — is relatively easy to meet. The Bundestag demonstrated this when it passed its Armenia Resolution. Of course, this did not concern German crimes, which clearly made it much easier for the Parliament. But such an acknowledgement ought to and could, of course, have taken place in the case of the Herero and Nama, along with an official apology from high-ranking German representatives.

The demand for compensation is a more difficult matter. Representatives of the Herero and Nama, however, have been willing to talk in relation to this issue as well. It is less about large sums of money for individuals than a significant development boost for the affected communities that were and still are marginalised — and about the land question at least being partially resolved.

Because between and , the German colonial rulers not only murdered tens of thousands of Herero and Nama, often in concentration camps, they also robbed them of their livestock and land. Still, the Herero and Nama have managed to make this issue part of the public agenda. At the ceremony for the return of human remains to Namibia in September at the French Cathedral in Berlin, it was not only high-ranking representatives of Germany who were present.

German and international media also reported on the event in a variety of ways. But all the same. There were no representatives of the federal government, the German Embassy, the churches, or the foundations at the commemoration of the Battle of Waterberg on 11 August , which marked the beginning of the genocide. An indictment not only of the Germany administration but also of civil society. The picture is just as bleak at the planned memorial to the genocide near Otjinene, where German General Lothar von Trotha gave the infamous extermination order in the autumn of Only a locked gateway indicates that this is the site of a memorial.

The sight of the mass graves in the dunes of Swakopmund is just as devastating. The Germans murdered and left thousands of Herero and Nama to die in the surrounding area. The corpses were dumped into makeshift graves among the dunes, which is right next to a well-kept green cemetery for the whites who died. In , together with lawyers working in an international context, he founded the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights ECCHR in Berlin, of which he has been secretary general and legal director ever since.

Most recently, together with Dr. The text of the Berlin declaration, and the signatories to date, can be found on the web pages of the German Cultural Council: kulturrat. At this moment, when there is an intention to nullify basic democratic principles by means of conscious manipulation and hate speech, we regard deliberately setting and discussing a boundary as a continuation of our work as the Academy.

Artistic freedom is one of the most fiercely protected values of our constitution. In addition, we see it as our obligation to undertake historical remembrance work, not least through our large archive of modern art, which is characterised by its focus on the arts in exile. The Academy is distinguished by two other things: we are an interdisciplinary society of artists with over four hundred important members who are active internationally, and we are autonomous. The question of political independence has been of highest importance for the Academy since It is an achievement that has been fought hard for and which continues to be defended, and nowadays this is also accepted by the state.

They depend on political committees; they are vulnerable, and we must show solidarity with them — particularly with theatres, museums, and organisers of cultural events far from Berlin. In politically unsettled times, the theatre occupies the focus of attention. We live in an age of emerging authoritarianism, where language has shifted towards the right. A look back: an unusual look from the outside at the museum and its influence on the city; and a look forward: towards the future of civil society.

The text transforms the museum into a giant book: each pane of the seven-metre-high glass front is a column in an exemplary narrative. The biography becomes a reference to the world — and to the view from outside. He is one of a number of artists who, since the beginning of modernity, have condemned museum practice and eschewed the commercial dictates of the art world. The Duisburg exhibition was preceded by two years of intense discussion, doubt, and self-doubt. Not a single original work is displayed. Someone narrates his life, is the author of this story, and at the same time asks: how do you experience this time?

Is this your story? How do you imagine our future? Authorship means contemporaneity. If you want to see yourself in the world you must become its author. View of Eileen Gray's holiday home E. However, modern architecture was broader than the positivistic technocratic modernists of the International Style and the Bauhaus. There were architects who emphasized the need for an integrated, holistic, organic approach to the design of forms, spaces, and their elements. This process is particularly decipherable across the millennia in the built environment.

This autonomisation process affects all interfaces of a natural and artificial kind. The ultimate unwritten goal is to achieve complete freedom of choice over where and when, under which circumstances, and for which duration a human activity may or may not take place. In the field of architecture, the development of the theatre as a building type shows this process of autonomisation.

If the ancient Greeks embedded their theatres in their landscapes, then the Romans sought freedom from natural sites and constructed freestanding theatres in their colonies. During the Renaissance, candles were introduced to allow plays to be seen at any time of the day. The black box theatre was the penultimate version until directors found that performances in disused factories made them independent from all the restrictions of a conventional theatre.

Technocratic modernism is but a small subset of the process of autonomisation, architectural modernism is but a small subset of technocratic modernism, and indeed the few decades of the International Style and the fourteen years of the Bauhaus are even smaller subsets of architectural modernism. Modern architecture has always been more, more than just those buildings inducted into the hall of fame of the International Style and more than just the fourteen years of the Bauhaus, but it has not been allowed to be more in the consciousness of the architectural profession and in that of the general public, neither in the 20th century nor today.

Instead, what we are left with are cities all around the world with sprawling settlements based on segregated functions and social groups, car-centred infrastructures, and reductive architectural expressions of repetitive and alienating objects. The most visible aspect of technocratic modernism is the effect of the process of formal abstraction — basic geometric shapes with flat surfaces — something that Otto Wagner predicted in There are some architects today who have understood the value of these connections, the importance of the ethical, aesthetic, and artistic integrity of a work of architecture, in short, of the organic coherence between purpose and cultural embodiment; but there are too few to make a difference.

So, things continue to fall apart. The role of culture as the matrix for the sustenance of human existence continues to be marginalised, as is proven by the undifferentiated celebration of a moment in the history of German architecture that left more dystopian realities than either politicians or professionals would care to admit. Because the contemplation of selected images of lionized architects is more gratifying than the confrontation of the thousands of failed social housing estates that grew out of the teachings of the Bauhaus. Rather than being honest with the overall effects of the Bauhaus, this one hundredth anniversary will cast a selective spotlight on how official Germany wants to see reality.

The official Germany is desperate to hold onto an idea of an artistic and architectural movement that it believes to have been for the good. As long as the key errors are not recognized, there will not be any changes in the underlying attitudes and specific regulations to the way the. Functional and social segregation, and urban sprawl, will continue. Things will continue to fall apart, culture cannot hold. The quotes in the title and at the end of the text are taken from the W. He has also edited and curated various architectural monographs and exhibitions.

Wang chairs the Schelling Architecture Foundation. He received an honorary doctorate from the Royal Technical University Stockholm; and is an honorary member of the Portuguese Chamber of Architects. Installation of the main bedroom at E. The five-day series of events, including lectures, films, and concerts, offered a comprehensive overview of the work being done at the leading electronic studios in Berlin, Brussels, Munich, New York, Paris, Tokyo, Stockholm, and Warsaw. On one of these days, I met Maestro Rzewski; he played an interesting composition by Elliott Carter in the ensemble under Bruno Maderna.

And I had the great honour of inviting Frederic Rzewski and other guests who were interested in getting to know our studio in East Berlin. I needed permission from the Minister of Post and Communications. It worked because he himself was a fanatic, avid listener of electronic music. We were here, Frederic! On 3 October they were with us.

I was only 27! Something like this had never happened to me before! And then, one year later, on 6 August , he was allowed into East Berlin and at the border he was asked — do you still remember? But he did that three times in the week! Can we say gentlemen? The guards there at the border! The inhabitants of this city were like animals in the zoo.

The ones on this side of the border thought they were free. The ones who lived on the other side knew that they were not free. They were smarter! That was the difference! And I went along sometimes after I had come back from working in the East. And once I met a very nice man. He came from the state of Virginia, with his wife and two daughters. He was very interested in our work and wanted to know, for example, what kind of tape recorders we had: Telefunken, and so on.

You visited Hermann Scherchen, for example. Through this, I got to know Hermann Scherchen. We were hooked. Perhaps one day we would manage to develop a device like that. I found a so-called quartet Trautonium by Oskar Sala in the music archive. We had to move out of Masurenallee in and it came with us. I will develop a new mixture Trautonium with my laboratory. But before that, we managed to produce and export six devices. Yes, I would say that, yes. We have different octave leaps. And of course Frederic recognised these wonderful filters immediately. Klaus Bechstein showed him ingenious tricks.

And they were produced fifty-three years ago by these two guys here at the table. Mr Rzewski,. Quite formal, abstract. Formalism in its purest form. Anything but socialist realism! It comes from John Cage. Yes, there is no silence. You always hear your heart beating. And why silence? That was a long time ago, you know! Anyway, why is not important in art. Not that you understand what you are doing.

Mehr von Elton John

And how you … no, this is not important. In cooperating we create something great! He was my professor at Harvard. Both of us were here. And his daughter came to visit and I recorded her in conversation. I was very heavily influenced by Stockhausen. So I gave it to the museum and we now have type No. More possibilities. You have always brought it back to life!

We were allowed to develop it in spite of this. Reliance on commercial interests is of as little importance here as the idea, unfortunately often encountered, that one specific kind of musical thought has precedence over all others. Partnerships not only between composers and performers, but also with artists in other disciplines, receive targeted support to enable them to develop their artistic ideas over the course of several years. Here is an example. In the Piano Sonata in D minor, op. We are abruptly wrenched from a place far away to the here and now. And in this, he was by no means alone in his time.

Beethoven stretches the boundaries of a work and forces them open at the same time. Which makes it all the more refreshing to see him acting as a catalyst for a young generation of artists who also cross borders. From the perspective of the present, we can see in Beethoven an inventive spirit whose music, at certain spectacular moments, goes far beyond the limits of the language and conventions of his time: he provides an example of how strong and visionary music can be. Conventional music theory, with its desire to order different phenomena and systematise this order — thereby creating a model of reality — cannot grasp him accurately, since at many important moments in his music, Beethoven steps outside reality and, precisely for this reason, becomes pure sonic sensation.

In the electoral court orchestra of Bonn, Reicha was a flautist and Beethoven a viola player. They met again in Vienna; later, Reicha moved to Paris, where he enjoyed high regard as a composer, theorist, and teacher — with students including Berlioz and Liszt. At first, Beethoven and Reicha developed on similar lines, but then their ways separated entirely. Today Beethoven is anchored in our consciousness to an extent that is perhaps already too universal. It is worth taking a look at the two together. It must have been a highly productive time for revolutionary ideas and visions.

In addition to a theoretical and practical reappraisal of quarter tones,. One aim of these works is to sharpen perception, allowing the viewer to identify microscopic changes in the surfaces as an inherent dynamic force. Adrian Nagel.

After the Berlin Wall

He has received important prizes for his work in the fields of orchestral composition Irino Prize, Japan, ; Wien Modern, and ensemble music Stuttgart, , as well as awards such as a fellowship from the Villa Massimo in Rome. In , the portrait CD featuring chamber music by Caspar Johannes.

The decisive idea for these experimenters was the unity of music and science, and it characterised the age just as much as the idea of a universal art transcending the individual disciplines. It scarcely sounds imaginable. The freedom of the spirit to create something unique is as exciting as its individualisation of form. In their studios, aspects of materials research are combined with reflection and artistic experiment. Eleni Ralli projected sounds across a lake, and thereby achieved such a concentration of listening that even very quiet sounds were perceptible across vast distances.

Faidra Chafta Douka and Thanos Sakellaridis explored the Paetzold recorders, which are rarely found on the concert scene: huge, deep-sounding instruments with an impressive mechanism that almost appears machinelike. This pairing will compose further works for the prizewinning duo of Elisabeth Wirth and Maximilian Volbers. One event that impressed everybody was the first performance, by Julius Schepansky, of the accordion piece lucasbox by Guy Rauscher and Batya Frenklakh: a composition that uses open, sometimes graphic forms of notation to express certain things in the piece with greater precision.

The legendary East-rock band The Puhdys was the last act on the stage, before the lights went out, perhaps forever. The time had come for it to give in to the changing times. Next door, the sleek appearance of a flatroofed glass and steel structure attracts attention, but the vocational training centre opened by the district council in the EXPO-year has recently been shut down due to the discovery of carcinogenic substances in the wall insulation.

The Palace of Culture is still standing, thanks to its status as a protected historic monument. That news did not go down well with the people of the town, although it was largely the older generation that raised their voice and launched petitions. A total of items is in the custody of the State Administration Office in Halle.

If and when any of these will be seen in Bitterfeld again is an open question. Gotsche was a personal advisor to Walther Ulbricht, the all-powerful Socialist Party secretary, and together they turned the annual Bitterfeld conference of MDV authors into the politically charged cultural conference which was meant to pave the way to a new working-class culture, particularly in literature. But that was only a faint echo of its former glory and has had no future under the auspices of his successors, whose paramount interest is the balance sheet.

The mining company used to pay for this work, but the pumping station is to be shut down soon, and so the basement is bound to be flooded. The Chemieparkgesellschaft came on board, too. They opened the generally inaccessible building and took the students on a guided tour.

Bitterfeld museum director Uwe Holz gave an introduction to the industrial history of the plant and to East German cultural politics of the s. From this perspective, the yearning for the past, which had been the driving force among the defenders of the building, no longer played a role. This was eventually demonstrated impressively in the presentation of the mock-ups and ideas that were the culmination of the workshop.

The theatre hall was the subject of one of the proposals, which looked at the room in the light of present-day entertainment: nowadays concert audiences are standing, gathering in front of the stage.